OPB 


PONT EACH 


Robert  Rogers 


UNIVERSITY  MICROFILMS,  INC 

Ann  Arbor         London 


t'^y*"  **"x''^"*"y"*"'  c«  4 

.-^-X-^.^-X^^^^.^^XMg 


t"7-?^  \     ^j 

w 


'-^'^" 


m  4- 


»&• 


WM'-      «f/A4  '? 

m&-;  //' '  > //  fri-^         fa 

& 

^  -JW:/  &       f.-v< 


gpvs-f.-y,    -4^ 

B^y 

•.yyvAN'  JP 


:; 


PORTRAIT  OF  MAJOR  ROBERT  ROGERS 

From  Gtukicktt  drr  Kriegt  in  u*d  autter  Europa,  Elfter  Tbeil,  Niirnberg,'  1777 


PONTEACH 

OR  THE 

SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

A  TRAGEDY 
BY  ROBERT  ROGERS 

WITH  AN  INTRODUCTION 
AND  A  BIOGRAPHY  OF  THE  AUTHOR 

BY  ALLAN  KEVINS 


CHICAGO 

THE  CAXTON  CLUB 
1914 


' 


The  Publication  Committee  of  the  Caxton  Club  certify  that 
this  is  one  of  an  edition  of  one  hundred  and  seventy-five  copies 
printed  on  Old  Stratford  paper,  and  three  copies  printed  on 
Japanese  vellum.  The  printing  was  done  from  type  which  has 
been  distributed. 


365 


PONTEACH 


Copyright,  1914,  by  THE  CAXTON  CLUB 


JAN -4  1915 


PREFACE 

The  editor  feels  that  no  extended  explanation  of  the  direc 
tion  his  editorial  labors  have  taken  is  necessary.  The  large 
space  given  to  the  life  of  the  author  of  Ponteach  in  what 
purports  to  be  a  mere  introduction  rests  for  its  justification 
upon  the  fact  that,  although  the  career  of  Rogers  possesses 
not  merely  much  intrinsic  historical  interest,  but  many  addi 
tional  elements  of  value  as  typical  of  an  early  period  of  pioneer 
existence,  and  an  early  type  of  pioneer  character,  no  adequate 
account  of  it  has  yet  been  written,  and  those  that  do  exist 
contain  many  inaccuracies.  In  the  present  '  jgraphy  every 
effort  has  been  made  to  probe  sources  of  i,  ,ormation  upon 
such  mooted  and  obscure  heads  as  those  of  Rogers'  birth 
and  early  life,  his  troubles  as  a  counterfeiter  in  1754,  his 
participation  in  the  Cherokee  War  in  the  Carolinas,  his  con 
duct  as  governor  at  Mackinac,  and  his  last  years  and  death  in 
London  following  the  American  Revolution.  The  editor  has 
made  personal  investigations  in  London,  and  has  had  papers 
copied  and  material  examined  in  every  useful  library  in  Canada 
and  the  United  States.  Small  attention,  on  the  other  hand, 
has  been  paid  to  Pontiac's  life  and  character,  for  the  obvious 
reason  that  Parkman's  account  of  his  conspiracy  gives  an  in 
imitably  full  and  fascinating  relation  of  both,  in  a  book  familiar 
to  almost  every  American  home.  Equally  obvious  is  the  fact 
that  the  literary  importance  of  the  tragedy  does  not  warrant 
a  studiously  critical  attention  to  the  task  of  prefacing  and  an 
notating  it;  while  its  imaginary  structure  precludes  the  attempt 
to  read  into  its  pages  any  significance  as  an  historical  document 
that  is  not  almost  immediately  visible  to  the  student  of  the 
time  which  it  mirrors. 

The  editor  is  under  many  obligations  to  friends  for  criti 
cism^  and  assistance,  which  he  wishes  to  acknowledge  gratefully. 
His  thanks  are  due  especially  to  Professor  Clarence  W.  Alvord, 


PONTEACH :    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

whose  experienced  counsel  has  been  indispensable.  For  a  care- 
fill  reading  of  his  manuscript  and  many  helpful  suggestions  he 
is  indebted  to  Professor  Raymond  M.  Alden,  Professor  Stuart 
P.  Sherman,  Dr.  Jacob  Zeitlin,  and  Dr.  Arthur  Jcrrold  Tieje. 
Among  those  who  from  a  distance  have  interested  themselves  in 
his  work,  and  aided  him  in  securing  information  that  without 
their  assistance  had  been  inaccessible,  are  Albert  S.  Batchellor, 
Editor  of  the  New  Hampshire  State  Papers;  Worthington  C. 
Ford,  President  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society;  Mr, 
Frank  B.  Priest,  President  of  the  Littleton  Historical  Society, 
Littleton,  Massachusetts;  Mr.  Ezra  Stearns,  Fitchburg,  Massa 
chusetts;  Mr.  Peter  Nelson,  Assistant- Archivist  at  the  New  York 
State  Library;  Mr.  James  O.  Lyford,  Boston,  Massachusetts; 
and  Mr.  James  H.  Fassett,  Manchester,  New  Hampshire. 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS 

p.*. 

Introduction        . .11 

Life  of  Robert  Rogers 17 

Literary  Bibliography  . 174 

Ponteach :  or-  the  Savages  of  America    .         .         .         .  1 77 

Index           .         .         .                  .         .         .         .         .  259 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS 

Pate 

Portrait  of  Major  Robert  Rogers  .         .         Frontispiece  > 

From  an  old  print 

An  old  view  of  the  Straits  of  Mackinac          .         .  106  l 

From  Schoolcraft'i  Ethnological  Rtuarckei  Among  tkt  Rtd  Mtn 

Map  of  the  region  about  Mackinac       .         .         .  128  * 

rrom  Carver's  Travels,  London,  1781 

Facsimile  of  title-page  of  Rogers'  Ponteach,  1766  .         .     177  ' 


INTRODUCTION 

The  importance  of  Rogers'  Ponteacb  does  not  lie 
in  any  purely  artistic  qualities.  It  is  only  the  historian, 
whether  of  events  or  letters,  in  whom  it  can  nowadays 
inspire  more  than  a  .transiently  curious  interest;  for 
while  it  is  the  product  of  a  fresh  acquaintance  with 
savage  character  and  the  various  causal  trains  which 
exploded  the  spectacular  rebellion  of  the  Indian  ruler  — 
while  it  has,  too,  a  factitious  importance  as  almost  the 
first  of  American  dramatic  compositions,  and  even  yet 
remains  one  of  our  few  specimens  of  poetic  tragedy, — 
it  must  seem  to  any  reader  who  picks  up  the  play  for 
its  own  sake  almost  pitifully  devoid  of  intrinsic  merits. 
The  web  and  woof  of  its  style  never  rise  from  the 
commonplace  to  the  even  faintly  poetical,  and  all  too 
frequently  sink  to  doggerel  and  empty  declamation; 
the  larger  outlines  of  the  plot  reveal  manifold  absurd 
ities.  Even  over  one  or  two  passages  of  comparative 
force  and  eloquence,  such  as  those  in  Acts  II  and  III 
in  which  Ponteach  throws  fuel  upon  his  anger  and 
reveals  the  main  outlines  of  his  great  plan  to  his 
sons  and  warriors,  few  readers  would  linger  long.  As 
we  wonder  at  the  temerity  with  which  Rogers,  author 
a  month  before  of  the  shrinkingly  modest  preface  to 
the  Concise  Account,  left  his  production  to  the  caustic 
mercy  of  the  great  reviews,  we  can  only  reflect  that  it 
was  completed  in  haste,  at  the  moment  he  was  called 
back  to  take  command  at  Mackinac,  and  that  to  an 
untutored  and  ambitious  man  it  might  have  seemed 


PONTEACH :    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

that  its  faults  could  hide  behind  its  novelty,  and  that, 
helping  "to  give  a  just  idea  of  the  genius  and  ideas  of 
the  Indians/'  it  would  interest  many  by  the  pictur- 
esqueness  of  its  scenes  and  the  fame  of  its  central 
character. 

And  in  a  measure  Rogers  was  right;  for  the  tragedy 
is  one  that  can  scarcely  be  forgotten;   and  waiving  its 
merely  curious  attraction  as  the  strange  product  of  an 
American   backwoodsman  suddenly  transported  to  the 
center  of  Anglo-Saxon  civilization  and  fashion,  its  chief 
claim  to  a  reprieve  from  oblivion  lies  in  those  historical 
elements  upon  which  Rogers  mistakenly  hoped  to  base 
a  temporary  appeal.     Parkman  and  other  writers  upon 
the  period  have  attested  its  value  by  a  liberal  use  of  it 
as  a  source.     In  his  military  service  at  Albany  and  the 
forts   immediately  north,   in    his    rangings   over   upper 
New  York  and  lower  Canada,  and  in  his  survey  of  the 
lake  posts  at  the  close  of  the  Seven  Years  War,  Rogers 
had  by  1762  familiarized  himself  with  the  conditions 
of  Indian    life   and    the  strange    facts   evoked    by   the 
attempted  adjustment  to  it  of  English  authority,  com 
merce,  and  agriculture;   he  had,  indeed,  engaged  in  the 
trade   himself,  and  so  had   felt  both  a  soldier's  and  a 
merchant's  concern  in  inter-racial  relations.     Participa 
tion  in  the  suppression  of  Pontiac's  rebellion  in  1763 
finally  equipped  him  with  the  adequate  knowledge  of 
the  chief  and  his  conspiracy  which  the  tragedy  mani 
fests.      Indeed,    Rogers'    informing    historical    accuracy 
is  —  beyond    the   many  definite   parallels    between   the 
language  of  the  play  and  that  of  the  Concise  Account — 
one    of   the    surest    establishments    of   the    authorship 
which  he  never  formally  claimed.     No  other  hand  in 
London  could   have  written  with  such  directness  and 
truth  to  fact  the  two  first  and  expository  acts  of  the 
drama. 


12 


PONTEACH :    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

The  specification  of  the  grievances  of  the  Indians  is 
accomplished  with   a  detail  which   is  kept   fresh  and 
-interesting_by  a  grimly  effective  sense  of  humor.    The 
traders  Murphy  and  McDole,  with  their  use  of  rum 

"  More  powerful  made  by  certain  strengthening  drugs," 

and  scales 

" — so  well  conceived 
That  one  small  slip  will  turn  three  pounds  to  one," 

so  that  they  secure  ninety  pounds  of  beaver  skin  for 
six  quarts  of  a  vile  alcoholic  decoction;  the  hunters 
Osborne  and  Honeyman,  who  shoot  two  braves  for 
their  loads  of  fur;  Colonel  Cockum  and  Captain  Frisk, 
of  the  English  fort,  who  requite  the  chiefs'  pleas  for 
justice  with  unsoldierly  insults;  Governors  Sharp,  Gripe, 
and  Catchum,  who,  quoting  scripture  to  their  own 
wretched  purposes,  steal  all  but  a  beggarly  remnant  of 
the  ^"1000  worth  of  goods  given  them  for  presents  to 
the  Indians; — all  are  drawn  by  a  satirical  pen  that 
makes  of  the  scenes  in  which  they  appear  rather  more 
than  a  mere  explanation  of  the  central  action.  With 
the  transition  to  a  direct  study  of  the  Indian  point  of 
view,  the  play  assumes  a  greater  elevation  of  tone;  and 
the  pride  of  Pontiac,  his  haughty  sense  of  humiliation, 
his  brooding  jealousy  of  his  kingly  prerogatives,  are 
expressed  in  what,  despite  Rogers'  deficiencies  of  ex 
pression,  approaches  the  force  ascribed  to  his  oratory, 
and  the  stateliness  to  his  person  and  character.  The 
development  of  his  plot,  moreover,  from  his  sudden 
determination : 

"  The  broken  accents  murmured  from  his  tongue, 
As  rumbling  thunder  from  a  distant  cloud, 
Distinct  I  heard, — 'T  is  fixed,  I  '11  be  revenged." 

»3 


PONTEACH :    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

and  the  moment  when,  in  his  poor  cabin,  he  gathers 
his  sons  and  chiefs  to  denounce  the  "false,  deceitful, 
knavish,  insolent  band," 

"  Who  think  us  conquered  and  our  country  theirs," 

to  that  in  which  he  secures  the  adhesion  of  the  western 
tribes  to  his  design,  is  traced  with  considerable  spirit. 
With  the  entrance,  however,  of  the  romantic  element, 
which  after  Act  II  almost  dominates  the  play,  its  his 
torical  interest  reappears  only  in  flashes,  for  the  value 
even  of  the  impression  Rogers  gives  of  Indian  character 
is  greatly  diminished.  The  part  played  in  the  story  by 
Pontiac's  negotiations  for  Mohawk  aid  has  no  basis  in 
fact,  for  this  easternmost  tribe  of  the  Iroquois  Confed 
eracy  was  a  fast-rooted  ally  of  the  English,  and  would 
have  offered  a  field  of  discouragingly  scant  promise  to 
his  emissaries.  We  know  nothing  of  Pontiac's  sons  or 
Hendrick's  daughter;  Hendrick  himself  was  eight  years 
dead  at  the  time  of  the  revolt;  and  private  calamities 
had  nothing  to  do  with  Pontiac's  retirement  to  the 
Illinois.  But,  altogether,  Rogers'  picture  of  the  vices 
and  abuses  of  the  soldiers  and  traders,  lying  at  the 
source  of  the  rebellion,  of  the  galled  resentment  of 
the  Indians,  and,  in  fact,  of  the  whole  fundamental 
characteristics  of  much  of  border  life,  is  proved  by  con 
temporary  documents  to  be  faithful  and  authoritative. 
In  particular,  the  portrait  of  Pontiac,  partially  idealized 
as  it  is,  must  always  be  matter  for  the  study  of  those 
who  are  interested  in  the  character  of  the  greatest  of 
North  American  Indians. 

From  the  point  of  view  of  American  literary  history 
the  influence  of  Rogers'  production  upon  the  develop 
ment  of  the  stage  was  nil;  for  at  the  time,  and  until 
long  after,  there  was  no  native  American  stage.  One 
may  perceive  by  a  moment's  reflection  the  paucity  of 


PONTEACH:    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

the  author's  opportunities  to  familiarize  himself  with 
the  theater.  The  first  American  playhouse  was  opened 
at  Williamsburg,  Virginia,  in  the  second  decade  of  the 
eighteenth  century;  the  second  at  New  York,  in  1732; 
the  third  at  Charleston,  in  1736.  Throughout  vir 
tually  all  New  England  the  theater  lay  under  a  ban, 
and  players  were  subject  to  arrest,  during  the  whole 
colonial  period;  —  in  Massachusetts  until  1792.  Even 
elsewhere,  performances  were  so  infrequent  that  Rogers 
may  very  probably  never  have  watched  one  until  he 
reached  London,  and  saw  the  spacious  stage  of  Better- 
ton  and  Garrick.  As  for  playwriting,  if  we  waive 
consideration  of  a  few  wretchedly  obscure  manuscripts 
of  interest  only  to  the  antiquarian,  Ponteach  is  the 
second  drama  penned  by  an  American,  and  narrowly 
escaped  being  the  first  in  print;  for  Rogers  published 
his  play  in  January,  1766,  and  it  was  antedated  in 
book  form  by  Thomas  Godfrey's  ¥he  Prince  of  Parthia 
by  only  a  few  months.  It  must  needs  be  added  that 
Godfrey,  a  Philadelphian,  the  son  of  a  member  of 
Franklin's  Junto,  was  already  dead,  and  that  his  tra 
gedy  had  been  written  about  1760;  that,  beaten  out  in 
smooth  blank  verse,  and  with  considerable  merit  of 
construction,  it  was  much  superior  both  poetically  and 
dramatically  to  Rogers'  work ;  and  that  it  enjoyed  later 
(April  24,  1767)  a  single  representation,  a  distinction 
which  its  successor  never  achieved.  But  Rogers  re 
mained  for  a  full  generation  the  only  son  of  New 
England  to  permit  his  dramatic  ambitions  to  struggle 
up  from  under  the  incubus  of  prejudice  and  neglect 
which  Puritanism  had  thrown  upon  all  activities  con 
nected  with  the  stage. 


THE  LIFE  OF  ROBERT  ROGERS 


Birth  and  Early  Life;  King  George's  War;  Early  Manhood. 

We  have  no  historical  background  of  family  or 
lineage  against  which  to  place  Robert  Rogers,  and 
about  his  cradle  hangs  a  cloud  which  research  has 
not  found  it  easy  to  dispel.  He  first  saw  the  light  of 
day  on  November  17,  1731,  in  the  frontier  cabin  of 
James  Rogers,  a  sturdy  farmer  of  Methuen  in  upper 
Massachusetts.  Of  his  mother  we  know  only  that  her 
name  was  Mary.  His  birth  is  the  first  fact  in  the 
family  annals  which  the  local  records  have  preserved, 
and  whence  his  parents  and  three  older  brothers  had 
come,  or  what  had  been  their  previous  history,  remains 
a  secret.1  As  to  even  the  stock  from  which  he  sprung, 
whether  English,  Scotch,  or  Scotch-Irish,*  we  have 

1  Metbuen  Town  Records;  New  Hampshire  Province  Deeds,  XXXVIII,  20. 
Rogers'  three  elder  brothers  were  Daniel,  who  lived  some  years  in  Dunbarton, 
New  Hampshire,  as  a  farmer  ;  Samuel  ;  and  James,  who  became  an  ensign  and 
later  a  captain  in  the  rangers  commanded  by  Robert  Rogers,  married  Margaret 
McGregor,  daughter  of  the  Rev.  David  McGregor  of  Londonderry,  New  Hamp 
shire,  and  fleeing  to  Canada  on  the  outbreak  of  the  Revolution,  founded  the 
influential  and  wealthy  Canadian  branch  of  the  family. 

a  There  are  many  families  of  Rogers  identified  with  the  early  history  of 
Essex  County,  Massachusetts  ;  while  the  name  is  of  course  generally  one  of  the 
most  common  in  New  England,  whether  among  the  Puritans  —  two  who  came 
in  the  Mayflower  were  named  Rogers  —  or  among  the  Scotch-Irish  who  began 
to  enter  the  northern  colonies  in  1 7 1 9.  It  will  be  remembered  that  one  of  the 
seventeenth  century  presidents  of  Harvard  College  was  John  Rogers.  A  James 
Rogers  of  Londonderry  who  settled  at  Dunbarton  (Starkstown  or  Gorhamstown) 
about  twelve  years  after  Robert's  father  moved  there  was  long  confused  with  the 
latter.  There  were  so  many  English  families  of  Rogers  in  Essex  that  there  is 
room  for  serious  doubt  whether  Rogers  was  not  of  that  people.  See  Josiah  H. 
Drummond,  The  John  Rogers  Families  in  Plymouth  and  Vicinity.  Read  before  the 
Maine  Historical  Society,  Portland,  Maine,  1895,  n.p.  James  Rogers  of  London 
derry  and  James  Rogers  of  Dunbarton,  Manchester,  N.  H.,  1897. 


PONTEACH :    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

only  the  tradition  that  it  was  his  father  who  in  later 
years  named  a  piece  of  land  upon  which  they  settled 
Mountalona,  after  a  loved  spot  among  the  Presbyterian 
hills  of  County  Derry.1  The  absence  of  any  note  of 
James  Rogers'  presence  in  Methuen  before  1737  makes 
it  certain  that  he  was  but  a  newcomer  in  the  town, 
having  arrived  probably  a  year  or  two  earlier  along  one 
of  the  forest-girdled  bridle-paths  which  stretched  from 
the  coast  settlements  westward  along  the  Merrimac 
River.  In  a  double  sense,  therefore,  Robert  Rogers 
was  born  into  a  pioneer  environment;  for  Methuen 
lay  as  an  outpost  for  all  the  northern  and  western 
section  of  the  province,  verging  upon  a  wilderness  that 
extended  deep  and  unbroken  to  the  French  villages 
along  the  St.  Francis,  and  he  had  entered  a  household 
before  which  still  lay  in  large  part  the  task  of  wresting 
a  living  from  the  woods  and  untamed  fields. 

The  community  of  Methuen  was  a  happy  one  for  a 
growing  and  struggling  family.3  Virtually  a  western 
extension  of  Haverhill,  from  which  it  had  enjoyed  but 
five  years  separation,  it  constituted  with  the  older  town 
ship  a  connected  belt  of  settlement  along  the  upper 
bank  of  the  Merrimac,  roughly  fifteen  miles  long  and 
four  miles  wide;  a  still  wild  region  facing  the  brawling 
little  river,  and  only  sparsely  dotted  with  log  huts  and 
their  surrounding  clearings.  Upon  the  present  site  of  the 
city  of  Haverhill  huddled  the  homes  of  a  compact  vil 
lage,  and  elsewhere  at  central  points  rose  rough  meeting 
houses.  While  the  family  had  neighbors  in  plenty,  es 
pecially  along  the  rutted  and  stony  cart-tracks  which 

1  John  Farmer  and  J.  B.  Moore,  A  Gazetteer  of  the  State  of  New  Hamp- 
jbirf,  Concord,  1823-31  ;  p.  121.  Also  Caleb  Stark,  History  of  Dunbarton, 
New  Hampshire,  Concord,  1860.  Also  New  Hampshire  State  Papers,  XXVII, 
197,  where  it  is  called  Montetony. 

3  J.  S.  Howe,  Historical  Sketch  of  Methuen,  Methuen,  1901,  p.  9-17. 
George  Wingate  Chase,  History  of  Haverhill,  Haverhill,  1861,  Chapters  VI-X. 

18 


THE  HOME  AT  METHUEN 

traversed  hill  and  thicket  toward  Haverhill,  their  homes 
were  scattered  over  miles  of  ground  in  the  roomy 
manner  characteristic  of  Anglo-Saxon  settlement,  and 
left  ample  space  for  a  free  agricultural  and  sylvan  life. 
The  Naumkeag,  the  Accomenta,  and  the  Agawam  In 
dians  lay  toward  the  French  possessions  in  a  cloud  threat 
ening  enough  to  such  an  exposed  community ;  but  since 
Queen  Anne's  war  they  had  committed  none  but  the 
most  trivial  depredations.1  Game  abounded,  and  the 
near-by  Spicket  and  Merrimac  swarmed  with  salmon 
and  shad.3  The  beauty  of  the  forested  and  hiHy  coun 
try,  broken  by  jutting  capes  of  bare  smooth  upland, 
and  by  river  meadows  whose  moist  black  earth  afforded 
a  luxuriant  sickle-grass  for  the  cattle  and  deer,  was  evi 
dent  to  anyone  who  had  eyes  for  it.'  Nor,  externally 
rough  and  picturesquely  wild  as  it  often  seemed,  was 
the  land  really  unproductive.  By  labor  certainly  hard, 
but  as  certainly  fruitful,  it  could  be  brought  to  exchange 
its  elm  and  hemlock  for  apple  and  pear,  its  wild  black 
berry  for  patches  of  pumpkin  and  turnips,  and  its  timber 
and  bush  for  Indian  corn  and  timothy. 

To  such  institutions,  moreover,  as  ministered  to  its 
higher  social  needs,  the  township  paid  the  same  zealous 
attention  that  was  characteristic  of  the  whole  Puritan 
colony.  The  General  Court's  ordinance  of  division 4 
from  Haverhill  had  provided  that  within  three  years 
from  1725  the  citizens  should  erect  a  house  for  public 
worship,  and  settle  in  it  "a  learned  orthodox  minister 
of  good  conversation";  and  after  a  brief  period  of  con- 

1  John  G.  Whittier,  Prose  Works,  Boston,  1888,  II,  368. 

2  J.  S.  Howe,   Sketch  of  Metbuen,  p.  4.      For  generations  after  apprentices 
commonly  stipulated  in  their  articles  of  indenture  that  they  should  not  have  to  eat 
salmon  more  than  six  times  weekly. 

3  J.  G.  Whittier,  Prose  Works,  I  and  II  (Legends  and  Sketches}.  Whittier  was 
a  native  of  Haverhill.   H.  D.Thoreau,  A  Week  on  the  Concord  and  Merrimac  Rivers. 

4  This  ordinance  of  division  was  passed  in  December,    1725.     See  Howe, 
Sketch  of  Methuen,  p.  10. 

'9 


PONTEACH :    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

tentious  wrangling  over  the  location  of  the  church  and 
the  choice  of  a  pastor,  a  minister  was  inducted  into 
office  at  a  salary  little  short  of  munificent  for  so  poor  a 
community.  Of  equal  importance  to  the  householders 
was  the  maintenance  of  the  public  schools,  for  which 
fifty  acres  of  land  had  been  set  aside  at  the  creation  of 
the  village.  In  the  year  of  Robert's  birth,  the  citizens 
voted  to  appoint  three  schoolmasters,  each  of  whom 
should  conduct  classes  in  his  own  home  for  one  month 
in  midwinter.  In  1735  it  was  resolved  to  erect  a  suit 
able  structure  to  house  the  growing  number  of  children, 
and  a  log  school  was  soon  after  placed,  for  conven 
ience  of  access,  and  surety  of  pastoral  supervision,  beside 
the  church.1  Robert's  three  older  brothers  were  able 
to  avail  themselves  of  this  education  from  its  very  be 
ginnings,  and  he  himself  soon  after;  for  no  townsman 
could  retain  even  his  younger  children  at  home  without 
incurring  the  decided  disapproval  of  his  neighbors. 
Reading  was  taught  from  the  Bible,  with  perhaps  a 
well-thumbed  copy  of  the  New  England  primer,  and 
writing  and  accounts  upon  carefully  smoothed  and 
stripped  sections  of  birch  bark.  Under  the  rigid  appli 
cation  enforced  by  a  sternly  dignified  master,  and  amid 
the  earnest  atmosphere  of  an  intelligent  and  religious 
community,  acquisition  of  a  serviceable  modicum  of 
knowledge  was  rapid. 

Thus  under  circumstances  of  which  it  is  not  hard  to 
form  some  conception,  Robert  passed  at  Methuen  the 
first  eight  years  of  his  life.  His  home  was  the  typical 
frontier  cabin  of  the  period,  built  of  roughly-squared 
logs,  with  a  loft  above  and  two  comfortable  rooms  be 
low.  In  the  great  living-room,  puncheon-floored^-Slood 

1  Howe,  Sketch  of  Methuen.  Chase,  History  of  Haver  bill,  p.  273. 
G.  C.  Bush,  History  of  Education  in  New  Hampshire,  Washington,  1898,  p.  55. 
Jtmes  O.  Lyford,  History  of  Canterbury,  New  Hampshire,  Concord,  1912, 
Chapter  XIX. 


20 


THE  HOME  AT  METHUEN 

the  inevitable  spinning-wheel,  the  clothes-chest,  the 
rough  table  and  stiff  chairs;  at  one  side  rose  the  large, 
unvarnished  dresser,  the  pewter  and  china  sparkling  in 
serried  rows  upon  it;  a  shelf  above  supported  its  Bible 
and  a  few  cherished  books,  chiefly  devotional,  and  per 
haps  mingled  with  a  handful  of  polemical  tracts;  and 
at  one  end  was  built  the  spacious  fireplace,  whose  heavy 
andirons  admitted  eight-foot  logs  to  crackle  on  the 
hearth,  filling  the  apartment  on  the  bitterest  winter 
night  with  radiance  and  warmth.  The  firelight  or  sun 
light  playing  into  the  other  room  lit  up  the  drawers 
and  shelves  fastened ,  to  the  timbers,  caught  the  glint 
of  woolen  coverlets  on  the  beds,  and  sparkled  bravely 
back  from  the  polished  Queen's  arm  that  hung,  its 
battles  with  the  French  long  over,  from  pegs  driven 
deep  into  the  wall.  Above  all,  festooning  the  ceiling 
in  both  rooms,  were  strings  of  dried  fruit,  bunches  of 
herbs,  links  of  corn  tied  by  the  husks,  and  even  sausages 
and  bacon.  The  heavy  diamond-paned  windows  were 
crossed  inside  with  wooden  bars,  and  a  portable  ladder 
reached  the  loft.  As  a  boy  Robert  knew  the  hard  fare 
of  such  a  home, —  game,  Indian  meal  sweetened  with 
berries  into  samp,  and  simple  vegetables;  and  as  he 
grew  older  he  was  impressed  into  the  less  arduous  of 
the  daily  tasks  about  the  busy  household,  or  played  with 
his  brothers  in  the  neighboring  forests.1  He  became 
familiar  with  the  gliding  naked  forms  of  the  savages, 
passing  to  town  to  barter  or  steal;  with  the  fur-clad 
hunter,  bent  under  a  load  of  steaming  venison;  with 
the  rough  lumberman,  the  fisher,  the  mower  along  the 
wide  meadow  marshes,  and  perhaps  even  the  jolly  mar- 
iners  who^came  up  by  ship  to  Haverhill.  He  heard 
stories  of  the  northern  tribes,  varying  from  vivid  re 
citals  of  the  attacks  of  thirty  years  before  to  peaceful 

1  J.  G.  Whittier,  Proif  Works,  II,  396,  and  elsewhere. 


21 


PONTEACH  :   OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

legends  of  the  half-mystical  grandeur  of  their  old  chief 
Passonconway ;  echoes  of  the  hostile  presence  of  the 
French  to  the  north;  and  descriptions  of  the  wild-cat, 
the  bear,  the  wolf,  and  the  grisly  catamount.  He  was 
thus  awakening  fully  to  the  frontier  life  about  him 
when  in  1739  his  parents  resolved  upon  a  new  step. 
James  and  Mary  Rogers  had  arrived  at  Methuen  too 
late  to  share  in  the  general  distribution  of  the  town's 
land,  and  hence  had  obtained  there  no  extensive  hold 
ings.1  To  the  north  and  west,  beyond  the  bend  of  the 
Merrimac  and  in  its  upper  valley,  lay  a  broad  tract  of 
rich  territory  just  becoming  available  through  the  lib 
eral  grants  of  the  General  Court.  Here  they  naturally 
began  to  look  for  such  a  breadth  of  acres  as  would 
ensure  them  a  more  generous  competence,  in  especial, 
probably,  after  the  complication  of  family  problems  by 
the  birth  of  a  fourth  son  in  1734  and  of  a  daughter  in 
1736.'  In  these  years  they  heard  more  and  more  of 
the  delectable  lands,  for  they  were  rapidly  being  ex 
plored  and  surveyed,  and  a  thin  lino  of  settlers  was 
streaming  up  the  east  bank  of  the  river  and  breaking 
across  it  at  a  score  of  places  into  what  is  now  New 
Hampshire.  Rumford,  lying  fifty  miles  up  on  the  left 
side,  was  incorporated  in  1734  with  nearly  one  hundred 
families,  and  in  the  same  month  the  township  immedi 
ately  below  it  was  granted  to  veterans  of  the  Narra- 
gansett  War.  Londonderry  and  Chester,  intervening 
between  Rumford  and  Methuen,  were  already  filled 
with  Scotch-Irish,  and  Suncook,  lying  athwart  the  river 
near  them,  had  been  parceled-out  to  settlers  ten  years 

1  Howe,  Sketch  of  Methucn,  p.  7. 

'  Drummond,  "Jama  Rogers  of  Londonderry  and  James  Rogers  of  Dunbartont 
p.  II.  The  brother  was  named  Richard  ;  he  afterward  became  a  captain  in 
Robert  Rogers'  Rangers,  and  died  in  the  service,  at  Fort  William  Henry,  in 
1767,  of  smallpox.  The  sister  was  named  Mary.  Another  brother,  John,  and 
another  sister,  Catherine,  were  born  after  the  family's  removal  to  the  north. 


22 


THE  REMOVAL  NORTHWARD 

previously.1  Amid  an  exploitation  of  new  territory  that 
thus  yearly  became  more  general,  Rogers  was  upon  the 
alert  to  buy  advantageously. 

His  choice  was  a  bold  one.  On  November  24,  1738, 
for  the  sum  of  £i  10,  he  bought  of  Zaccheus  Lovewell 
of  Canterbury  a  tract  called  Lovell's  Farm,  comprising 
nearly  four  hundred  acres  sixteen  miles  south  and  west 
of  Rumford,  at  a  greater  distance  beyond  the  Merrimac 
than  any  settler  had  yet  gone.3  The  farm  was  a  portion 
of  a  larger  area  which  Lovewell  and  five  associates  had 
secured  in  1735,  but  which  lay  so  well  outside  the 
direct  currents  of  immigration  which  in  Massachusetts 
were  hugging  the  colonial  boundary,  and  in  New 
Hampshire  the  Merrimac  River,  that  even  its  proprie 
tors  knew  little  of  its  character.  By  1737  two  cot 
tagers  only  had  crept  timidly  westward  a  few  miles 
from  Rumford,  and  although  in  the  same  year  the 
whole  township  in  which  Lovewell's  grant  lay  was 
assigned  to  one  Shubal  Goreham  and  his  associates,  no 
colonists  had  yet  proposed  to  settle  upon  it.3  Rogers, 
however,  who  had  never  known  the  border  except  in 
time  of  peace,  was  irresistibly  attracted  by  one  salient 
feature  of  the  new  site :  high  hills  and  unbroken  forests 
lay  about,  but  down  between  them  crept  and  expanded 
a  broad  meadow,  partly  natural  intervale  land  and  partly 
cleared  by  beavers,  over  which  billowed  a  field  of  rich 
grass.  He  prevailed  upon  one  of  his  neighbors,  Joseph 
Pudney,  a  former  shopkeeper  of  Salem,  and  more  re 
cently,  with  his  six  stalwart  sons,  the  cultivator  of 

1  New  Hampshire  State  Papers,  XXIV,  59,  108,  233. 

a  New  Hampshire  Province  Deeds,  XXXVIII,  20.  The  land  was  granted 
Lovewell  in  recognition  of  his  services  under  his  brother,  Captain  John  Lovewell, 
in  the  campaign  against  the  Main  Indians  which  culminated  in  the  latter*  u  vic 
torious  death  at  Pigwacket.  In  1737  Captain  William  Tyng,  the  first  soldier  to 
use  snowshoes  in  campaigning  against  the  Indians,  was  given  land  a  few  miles 
southeast  of  Lovewell's  settlement,  which  he,  like  Gorham,  failed  to  colonize. 

3  New  Hampshire  State  Papers,  XXIV,  80  (with  plan). 


PONTEACH :    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

several  farms  near  Haverhill,  to  accompany  him.  Pud- 
ney,  an  unlettered  man,  was  already  growing  old,  but 
he  possessed  a  practical  turn  of  mind,  and  his  assistance 
and  that  of  his  family  would  be  almost  indispensable  in 
opening  a  new  country.1  Early  in  the  spring  of  1739, 
when  Robert  was  eight  years  old,  the  two  families  re 
moved  to  their  new  home;  driving  their  cattle  before 
them,  and  conveying  as  best  they  could,  in  the  absence 
of  roads,  their  movable  goods." 

The  tract  upon  which  they  found  themselves  offered 
several  wholly  novel  advantages  in  agriculture.3  From 
the  broad  top  of  the  highest  hill,  near  the  point  where 
Rogers  actually  laid  his  hearthstone,  the  crests  of  the 
White  Mountains,  nearly  a  hundred  miles  to  the  north, 
could  be  seen  on  clear  days  "like  great  bright  clouds 
above  the  horizon."  There  were  many  small  lakes  in 
the  tov/nship,  emptying  to  the  east  by  trout-brooks 
which  fed  down  under  thick  coverts  of  alder  and  birch 
to  the  bickering  Merrimac,  seven  miles  away;  and  the 
rougher  land  was  heavily  forested.  The  chief  advantage 
of  the  district,  however,  consisted  in  its  smooth  upland 
meadows,  a  relief  especially  welcome  to  tenants  used  to 
the  broken  ground  and  marshy  arable  land  of  Methuen. 
Upon  the  largest  and  most  elevated  of  these  Rogers  and 
Pudney  commenced  the  construction  of  their  houses, 
and  during  the  summer  months  erected  two  buildings  of 
hewn  logs  at  no  great  distance  from  one  another.  Their 
families  once  safely  installed,  they  were  able  before  the 
beginning  of  winter  to  provide  two  hasty  shelters  for 

1  Eucx  County  Record*,  Salem,  Massachusetts.  New  Hampshire  State  Papers, 
XXVII,  190:  "Joseph  Pudney,  his  mark." 

1  New  Hampshire  State  Papers,  XX  VII,  190. 

3  Descriptions  will  be  found  in  Jeremy  Belknap,  History  of  New  Hampshire, 
Boston,  1791-2;  Farmer  and  Moore,  New  Hampshire  Gazetteer;  Caleb  Stark, 
History  of  D  unbar  ton  ;  D.  H.  Hurd,  History  of  Merrimac  and  Belknap  Counties, 
New  Hampshire,  Philadelphia,  1885. 


THE  FARM  NEAR  RUMFORD 

their  stock.  Their  houses  were  in  a  forlornly  chilly 
solitude,  broken  only  by  the  presence  within  the  neigh 
boring  valleys  of  some  small  camps  of  friendly  Indians. 
In  this  changed  seat  the  families  prospered  for  the 
next  few  years.  Pudney  had  bought  no  land,  but  had 
shared  the  purchase  of  Rogers;  and  he  or  his  neighbor 
secured  an  additional  plot  near  by  upon  a  promissory 
note,  and  they  jointly  began  clearing  it  for  tillage. 
Some  neighboring  fields  were  being  already  fenced,  and 
during  the  summer  herdsmen  drove  fattening  cattle 
upon  them  from  farms  lower  along  the  Merrimac, 
retiring  again  to  the  south,  however,  at  the  approach 
of  winter.  Two  orchards  were  set  out  by  the  pioneers, 
and  by  1745  had  so  prospered  as  to  bear  fruit;  one 
hundred  acres  of  meadow  were  fenced,  and  mown  or 
grazed  annually;  and  as  many  more  were  devoted  to 
grain.1  In  the  larger  tasks  the  two  households  gave 
one  another  the  assistance  that  made  extensive  farming 
operations  possible.  Each  year  the  bays  of  the  barn 
were  crammed  with  hay  for  winter  fodder;  each  year 
the  older  sons  bent  beneath  the  midsummer  sun  to  the 
cutting  of  the  wheat  or  rye;  each  year  the  care  of  the 
orchard  and  the  cutting  of  brush,  with  hunting  and 
trapping,  filled  in  the  portions  of  the  twelve-month 
not  devoted  to  seeding  and  harvesting.  Even  after  the 
first  storms  of  winter  there  was  no  relaxation  of  labor. 
Long  after,3  Robert  told  in  London  of  how  as  a  boy  he 
gathered  the  shoots  of  alder  and  birch,  and  bearing 
them  home  in  fagots,  bound  them  into  brooms,  and 
carried  them  over  ice  and  snow  fifteen  miles  through 
the  woods  to  the  nearest  marketplace, —  the  town  of 
Rumford.  Hither  from  Lovell's  Farm  led  only  a 

1  New  Hampshire  State  Papers,  XXVII,  192. 

a  John   Farmer  and  J.    B.    Moore,    Historical  and  Miscellaneous    Collections , 
Concord,   1823-31,  I,   240. 


PONTEACH  :    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

blazed  path,  winding  beneath  the  sombre  shade  over 
hill  and  valley,  through  copse  and  brake,  skirting  the 
ridges  and  fording  streams,  until  it  came  in  view  of 
the  brief,  uneven  streets  of  rough  houses,  and  the  edge 
of  the  Merrimac  river  beyond.  Upon  the  town's  mills 
and  stores  the  isolated  pioneers  depended  for  their 
scanty  store  of  purchased  provisions,  and  possibly  upon 
its  schools  and  churches  for  meagre  mental  and  spiri 
tual  guidance.  They  kept  intact  also  the  links  between 
themselves  and  Methuen,  for  during  several  autumns, 
one  marked  by  so  great  a  drought  that  farmers  else 
where  imported  hay  from  England,  the  elder  Rogers 
bought  or  took  at  a  rental  cattle  in  Haverhill  and  drove 
them  north  to  be  wintered.1  But  in  general  the  fami 
lies  were  self-sufficing  social  and  economic  units,  and 
as  such  felt  but  little  hardship  in  their  position. 

The  outbreak  of  King  George's  War  in  1 744  brought 
the  first  sharp  reversal  of  their  fortunes,  blighting  their 
hopes  for  a  serene  continuance  of  years  of  apple-grow 
ing  and  hay-cropping,  threatening  the  little  property 
they  had  amassed,  and  finally  making  them  tremble  for 
their  very  lives.  The  descent  of  the  war,  however, 
with  its  inevitable  concomitants  of  Indian  massacre  and 
Canadian  pillage,  was  not  unexpected,  and  such  isolated 
settlers  as  Rogers  and  Pudney  had  ample  time  in  which 
to  prepare  or  remove  to  the  towns.  Even  if  the  French 
attack  on  the  border,  Mercifully  delayed  more  than  a 
year  after  the  beginning  of  the  conflict,  had  come  early, 
no  distant  holm  or  hamlet  would  have  been  taken  un 
aware;  for  when  in  June,  cresting  a  general  wave  of 
alarm,  the  couriers  rode  forth  from  Boston  with  the 
news  that  had  just  come  by  ship,  warning  all  New 
England  to  gird  herself,  the  settlements  had  already 
begun  their  preparations, —  nowhere  with  more  vigor 

1  Hurd,  History  of  Merrimac  ard  Belknap  Countiei,  p.  292. 

26 


KING  GEORGE'S  WAR 

than  at  Rumford.  Even  while  Governor  Benning 
Wentworth  '  was  declaring  to  a  special  session  of  the 
Assembly  at  Portsmouth  that  "the  naked  condition  of 
our  inland  frontiers  requires  your  compassionate  re 
gard,"  sixty-seven  families  at  the  center  to  which 
Rogers  and  Pudney  looked  for  protection  had  sent  to 
the  capital  a  memorial  praying  that,  inasmuch  as  the 
buildings  of  the  town  "were  compact,  properly-formed 
for  defense,  and  well-situated  for  a  barrier,  lying  on  the 
Merrimac  only  fifteen  miles  below  the  confluence  of 
the  two  main  river  gangways  of  the  Canadians  to  the 
frontiers  of  the  provinces,"  the  settlement  be  created 
the  seat  of  a  general  garrison.8  Though  the  petition 
remained  unanswered,  a  number  of  the  strongest  houses 
in  the  town  were  fortified  as  places  of  instant  refuge, 
the  fields  were  worked  by  men  in  armed  companies, 
and  during  the  summer  a  scouting  squad  was  kept 
ranging  the  woods  to  the  north.  Not,  however,  until 
the  autumn  of  the  next  year,  1745,  did  the  French 
begin  the  inspiration  of  their  savage  allies  to  border 
ravages;  when,  incensed  and  humiliated  by  Pepperell's 
capture  of  Louisbourg,  they  commenced  a  horrifying 
series  of  outrages  along  the  upper  Connecticut,  and  in 
northern  New  York.  During  the  first  two  summers  of 
the  war  Rogers  and  Pudney  remained  upon  the  fields 
that  constituted  their  all,  their  only  danger  being  from 
bands  of  the  weak  neighboring  tribes,  now  withdraw 
ing  resentfully  from  the  vicinity  of  the  settlements, 
against  whom  their  own  numbers  constituted  a  suf 
ficient  protection ;  but  in  early  October  of  the  second 
year  a  heavy  attack  was  made  upon  Westmoreland, 
directly  west  of  Rumford  on  the  Connecticut,  in  No- 

1  New  Hampshire  Province  Papent  V,  709. 

2  James  O.  Lyford  (editor),   History  of  Concord,  New  Hampshire,  Concord, 
1903,  I,  166. 

27 


PONTEACH  :    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

vember  Saratoga  was  sacked  and  burnt,  and  simultane 
ously  Crown  Point  became  the  basis  of  operation  for  a 
score  of  strong  Indian  parties.  Outlying  farms  were 
everywhere  deserted,  and  the  inhabitants  rallied  to  the 
nearest  villages  for  defense. 

At  the  beginning  of  winter  in  1745  Rogers  and 
Pudney  seem  to  have  come  in  to  the  shelter  of  Rum- 
ford.  Here  they  remained  for  three  years,  able  to 
devote  only  the  most  intermittent  attention  to  their 
farms,  so  unceasing  were  the  inroads  of  the  savages; 
but  in  an  environment  which  gave  the  boy  Robert  his 
first  invaluable  lessons  in  the  art  of  woodland  warfare. 
The  persistency  with  which  the  savages  pushed  the 
struggle  to  their  very  doors  is  well  set  forth  in  local 
and  other  documents.  In  the  months  of  May  and  June, 
1 746,  according  to  a  French  paper  yet  preserved,  thirty- 
five  different  war-parties  of  Abenaki  and  Ottawa  were 
sent  out  from  Crown  Point  to  ravage  the  frontier ; '  and 
on  May  5  zealous  Captain  Goffe  wrote  from  Rumford, 
"about  two  o'clock  in  the  morning":  "The  Indians 
are  all  about.  There  was  never  more  need  of  soldiers 
than  now.  It  is  enough  to  make  one's  blood  boil  to 
see  our  fellow  creatures  killed  and  taken  up  on  every 
quarter."8  On  May  15,  1746,  by  order  of  the  General 
Assembly,  three  citizens  of  Rumford  distributed  its 
families  and  those  that  had  taken  refuge  in  the  town 
among  ten  garrison  houses,  assigning  to  one  James  and 
Samuel  Rogers,  and  to  another  Joseph  Pudney  and  his 
sons  William,  Henry,  and  Samuel.3  Up  and  down  the 

1  Parkman,  A  Half -Century  of  Conflict,  II,  214.  All  references  to  Francis 
Parkman's  Works  are  to  the  Frontenac  Edition,  Boston,  1905  ;  except  to  the 
Conspiracy  of  Pontiac,  where  the  pag^s  refer  to  the  Boston  edition  of  1851. 

•  New  Hampshire  Province  Papers,  V,  800. 

3  Lyford,  History  of  Concord,  I,  170-173.  Nathaniel  Bouton,  History  of 
Concord,  Concord,  1856,  p.  154.  The  two  Rogers  were  assigned  to  the  house 
of  Timothy  Walker,  Jr.,  at  what  is  now  Main  and  Thorndike  streets,  Concord. 

28 


FIRST  MILITARY  SERVICE 

Merrimac  men  worked  in  the  fields,  during  this  and 
the  following  summer,  only  in  large  companies,  with 
arms  always  by  their  sides.  Even  at  church  the  settlers 
carried  their  guns  into  the  pews,  and  the  minister 
prayed  with  his  piece  resting  against  the  pulpit.  Bands 
of  rangers  patrolled  the  woods  of  the  neighborhood. 
To  the  poor  the  towns  distributed  free  powder,  bullets, 
flints,  and  muskets.  No  shot  might  be  fired  after  sun 
set.1  On  May  20,  1747,  there  was  so  incisive  an  attack 
upon  the  town  of  Suncook,  immediately  below  Rum- 
ford  and  to  the  east  of  Lovell's  farm,  that  the  province 
ordered  out  a  trebly-augmented  body  of  scouts  to  safe 
guard  the  upper  reaches  of  the  river.9  Those  even  of 
comparatively  sheltered  regions  who  were  forced  to  take 
risks  in  preserving  the  fruit  of  their  acres  often  suffered 
for  their  temerity;  and  the  people  of  Pembroke,  east 
of  the  Merrimac,  complained  that  they  "lived  so  much 
exposed  to  the  Indian  enemy  that  they  got  their  bread 
at  the  peril  of  their  lives,  by  reason  of  the  sword  of  the 
wilderness."  In  July  of  1747,  when  the  aged  Joseph 
Pudney  had  his  arm  broken  by  a  shot  while  carrying 
"a  woodf  .  bottle  of  beer"  from  a  village  garrison  to 
men  at  work  in  the  fields,  the  alarm  became  extra 
ordinary,  and  only  a  reinforcement  of  thirty  men  sent 
by  Wentworth  to  Rumford  permitted  a  continuance  of 
hay-mowing,  then  just  begun,  in  the  vicinity  of  town.3 
Nor  until  the  end  of  the  year  did  the  frequency  of 
Indian  aggressions  at  all  abate. 

During  these  two  adventurous  years  the  boy  Robert 
Rogers,  for  his  age  remarkably  tall  and  sturdy,  not 
merely  bore  the  excited  interest  of  youth  in  all  that 

1  Potter,    Military    History   of   New    Hampshire,    New    Hampshire    Adjutant 
General's  Report,  Concord,  1866,  I,   38;   Bouton's  History  of  Concord,  p.  150. 

2  Potter,  Military  History  of  New  Hampshire,   I,   99. 

3  Lyford,    History  of  Concord,   I,    1 80.      New   Hampshire  Province  Paper  j, 
V,  880. 

29 


PONTEACH :    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

was  passing  about  him,  but  found  means  also  to  mingle 
actively  in  the  heady  "current  of  the  war's  events:; — hr 
winter,  when  even  the  boldest  hunters  stirred  little 
abroad,  he  may  have  been  in  school ;  in  summer  he 
participated  in  both  the  village  harvest  and  the  village 
military  expeditions.  In  August,  1746,  when  at  fifteen 
he  was  not  yet  liable  for  militia  duty,  he  was  impressed 
into  the  ranks  by  a  sudden  exigency, —  an  attack  made 
on  the  tenth  of  that  month  upon  a  detachment  of  a 
local  scouting  company,  as  it  was  being  transferred 
along  a  forest  lane  from  Rumford  to  a  fortified  house 
two  miles  west,  resulting  in  the  killing  and  scalping  of 
seven  men,1  in  the  very  heart  of  garrisons  and  patrols, 
and  at  not  a  mile's  distance  from  a  whole  company  of 
soldiery.  Amid  the  general  consternation  Robert  and 
his  brother  Samuel,  with  two  of  the  Pudneys,  enlisted 
and  served  until  the  end  of  September,  ranging  over  all 
the  country  below  Lake  Winnipesaukee,  but  seeing  little 
real  fighting.9  Similarly  in  August  of  the  second  year 
Robert  enlisted  again  in  a  company  of  rangers,  and 
campaigned  for  six  weeks  under  Captain  Ebenezer 
Eastman.  The  body  of  which  he  made  one  scoured 
the  woods  north  and  west  of  his  home  for  thirty  miles, 
operating  over  territory  with  which  he  had  become 
thoroughly  familiar,  and  engaging,  upon  one  or  two 
occasions,  in  a  light  skirmish.3  At  various  times  the 
hardy  lad  may  have  done  sentinel  duty  about  the  town. 
During  the  winter  of  1747-8  the  intensity  of  the 
war  lessened  so  perceptibly  that  Rogers  and  his  old 
neighbor  felt  that  they  might  securely  return  to  Lovell's 

1  Lyford,  History  of  Concord,  I,  175. 

a  Potter,  Military  History  of  New  Hampshire,  I,  95.  During  the  summer  of 
1747  thirty  soldiers  were  on  guard  at  Rumford  ;  in  the  autumn  a  large  party  of 
Indians  hung  about  the  southwest  part  of  town,  killing  cattle,  until  driven  off. 
Jacob  Moore,  Annals  of  Concord,  Concord,  1824. 

3  Potter,  Military  History  of  New  Hampshire,  I,  99. 

3° 


DESTRUCTION  OF  THE  ROGERS  HOME 

Farm,  and  at  a  very  early  date  in  the  spring  they  were 
once  more-settled  in  their -old  homes,  readyjto  recom 
mence  farming  operations.  For  some  months  fewer 
and  fewer  rumors  of  the  proximity  of  the  Indians  had 
disturbed  the  settlements;  since  the  capture  of  Fort 
Massachusetts  two  years  before  no  military  event  of 
any  moment  had  occurred  in  America;  and  European 
affairs  were  steadily  pointing  toward  peace.  Unfortu 
nately,  one  of  the  last  strokes  of  the  war  was  destined 
to  touch  the  fortunes  of  the  pioneers  most  severely. 
Toward  evening  of  one  day  in  April  a  band  of  savages 
was  discovered  to  be  lurking  in  the  vicinity  of  Rum- 
ford.  The  alarm  was  given,  and  while  messengers  noti 
fied  other  outlying  cottagers,  two  friends  of  Rogers  and 
Pudney  traced  their  way  along  the  blazed  path  through 
the  forest  blackness  to  warn  them  of  the  impending 
danger.  Upon  receipt  of  the  alarming  intelligence,  the 
two  families  precipitately  abandoned  'their  homes,  and 
beat  a  speedy  retreat  to  the  nearest  garrison.  The  next 
day,  accompanied  by  an  adequate  guard  from  the  town, 
they  returned  to  drive  their  cattle  in  to  safety.  They 
were  too  late.  The  Indians  had  plundered  and  burnt 
their  houses,  destroyed  their  barns,  killed  a  heifer  and 
a  steer  belonging  to  Rogers,  and  spread  such  devastation 
through  their  orchard  that  but  a  single  tree  remained 
standing;  and  when  the  settlers  turned  from  the  smok 
ing  ashes  and  wasted  acres  in  pursuit,  the  forest  had 
swallowed  the  marauders  up. 

Although  this  disastrous  and  unexpected  attack  vir 
tually  ended  the  partisan  fighting  in  that  region,  the 
disheartened  Rogers  and  Pudney  spent  the  remainder 
of  the  year  in  Suncook  and  Rumford,  and  from  that  dis 
tance  planted  and  reaped  what  they  might.1  In  October, 

1  Caleb  Stark,  History  of  Dunbarton ,  p.  11-13.  New  Hampshire  State  Papers, 
XXVII,  190. 

3» 


PONTEACH :    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

1748,  the  peace  of  Aix-la-Chapelle  was  finally  signed, 
and  husbandry,  industry,  and  colonization  could  once 
more  move  forward  unchecked  in  the  valley  of  the 
Merrimac. 

Social  conditions  along  the  upper  valley  changed 
rapidly  after  1748;  and  it  was  into  a  country  filling 
with  settlers,  and  brightened  by  new  hopes  of  pros 
perity,  that  James  Rogers  moved  back  upon  Lovell's 
Farm  a  year  later,  setting  Robert  and  his  elder  brothers 
once  more  at  their  wonted  tasks.  Indeed,  the  inpouring 
of  fresh  colonists  into  the  region  threatened  for  a  time 
his  tenure  of  the  land  for  which  he  had  toiled  so  hard. 
He  had  purchased  it  from  the  Massachusetts  General 
Court;  and  now  came  Scotch  farmers  from  east  of  the 
Merrimac,  under  the  leadership  of  Archibald  Stark, 
bearing  more  recent  and  more  valid  titles  from  John 
Mason's  heirs.  Rogers  and  Pudney  hastened  to  engage 
a  lawyer  at  Portsmouth,  and  in  a  petition  to  the  pro 
prietors,  which  several  others  who  had  improved  land 
in  the  neighborhood  reinforced,  protested  vigorously 
against  any  redistribution  of  acres  which  should  ignore 
their  claims.1  Their  voices  were  heard,  and  in  the  new 
township  of  Starkstown,  as  chartered  in  December,  1748, 
to  them  and  to  their  sons  were  given  adjacent  shares  on 
the  site  of  their  former  fields,  and  in  that  part  of  the 
tract  near  which  the  present  town  of  Dunbarton  stands. 
The  terms  of  the  charter  provided  for  the  rapid  settle 
ment  near  them  of  forty-five  other  families,  each  with 
its  own  house  and  a  clearing  of  three  acres,  and  re 
served  also  an  ample  endowment  in  land  for  a  church 
and  school.  Their  new  neighbors  began  at  once  to  fell 
the  heavy  woods  which  had  lain  untroubled  about  the 
great  meadow,  to  raise  their  own  house  timbers,  and  to 
fill  the  deep  woodland  paths  with  the  heavy  burr  of 

1  New  Hampshire  State  Papers,  XXVII,   190-200. 

32 


DEATH  OF  ROGERS'  FATHER 

their  Scotch  accent.  By  1751  the  community  was 
sparsely  but  widely  peopled,  roads  were  projected  to 
the  east  and  south,  and  a  stimulus  had  been  given  to 
agriculture  and  land-investment  under  which  Rogers 
felt  a  new  prosperity.  His  position  became  for  a  time 
an  enviably  thriving  one,  in  which  he  was  apparently 
able  to  make  considerable  additions  to  his  estate;  for  at 
various  dates  in  1751  and  1752  he  bought  most  of  the 
holdings  of  Pudney,  and  the  shares  also  of  several  of 
the  Scotch  assignees  who  were  prevented  from  comply 
ing  with  the  conditions  of  the  charter.1 

In  this  life  of  a  frontier  farmer's  son  Robert  Rogers 
was  engaged  until  the  tragic  death  of  his  father.  In  the 
winter  of  1752-3  there  came  into  the  country  one  of 
James  Rogers'  old  friends,  Ebenezer  Ayer  of  Haverhill, 
celebrated  as  a  successful  hunter.  He  made  a  camp  on 
Walnut  Slope,  between  Rogers'  farm  and  the  Merrimac 
River,  and  thence  pursued  his  regular  avocation  of  fol 
lowing  bears,  deer,  and  other  game.  In  early  spring  he 
had  once  completed  a  day's  sport,  and  at  dusk  had  re 
paired  to  his  rude  hut;  and  as  it  was  not  yet  late,  and 
he  had  been  unsuccessful,  he  was  still  on  the  outlook 
for  a  possible  wild  animal.  The  unfortunate  Rogers, 
dressed  from  head  to  foot  in  bearskins,  and  already  bent 
by  his  years  of  labor,  drew  near  the  camp  to  pay  his 
friend  a  visit.  Deceived  by  the  dusk  of  evening,  the 
eager  hunter  shot  and  so  heavily  wounded  him  that, 
almost  before  his  children  or  his  wife  could  be  brought 
to  his  side,  he  died.*  Ayer  could  never  after  speak  of 
the  occurrence  without  tears.  Four  of  Rogers'  sons, 
however,  including  Robert,  were  arrived  at  manhood's 
estate,  and  the  future  of  his  family  was  assured. 

1  New  Hampshire  Province  Deeds. 

*  Caleb  Stark,  History  of  Dunbarton,  p.  386.  J.  B.  Walker,  Robert  Rogers 
the  Ranger,  Boston,  1885,  p.  2. 

33 


PONTEACH :    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

In  fact,  when  in  1753  his  father's  estate  was  divided, 
Robert  Rogers  was  twenty- two  years  old,  of  extraordi 
nary  physique  and  courage,  and  completely  self-reliant.1 
Since  the  close  of  the  war  he  had  become  an  expert 
enced  hunter  and  guide  in  all  the  region  thereabout, 
and  more  recently  still  had  begun  to  make  some  agri 
cultural  ventures  of  his  own.  He  had  already  bought  a 
parcel  of  wooded  land  at  Merrimac,  half-way  between 
Rumford  and  Methuen,  for  £jot  and  upon  this,  in  the 
summer  after  his  father's  death,  he  began  a  clearing. 
A  year  later  (1753)  he  commenced  the  cultivation  of 
several  acres  there,  and  erected  a  house  and  barn,  in 
which,  during  the  autumn,  he  placed  a  tenant.  He  is 
variously  referred  to  during  these  two  summers  as  a 
"husbandman  and  yeoman  of  Rumford,"  or  as  a 
"  housewright  of  Merrimac";3  while  we  glean  from 
other  references  to  him  that  his  winters,  and  his  spare 
weeks  generally,  were  spent  in  hardy  and  adventurous 
expeditions  northward,  as  hunter  and  trader.  It  is  evi 
dent  that  in  this  latter  occupation  lay  his  chief  interest. 
"Between  the  years  1743  and  1753,"  ne  wrote  later  in 
the  only  reference  he  ever  made  to  his  youth,  "I  was 
led  to  a  general  acquaintance  both  with  the  British  and 
French  settlements  in  North  America,  and  especially 
with  the  uncultivated  desert,  the  mountains,  valleys, 
rivers,  lakes,  and  several  passes  that  lay  between  and 
contiguous  to  the  said  settlements.  Nor  did  I  content 
myself  with  the  accounts  I  received  from  the  Indians, 
but  travelled  over  large  tracts  of  country  myself,  which 

1  «'  Robert  Rogers  was  six  feet  in  stature,  well  proportioned,  and  one  of  the 
most  athletic  youths  of  his  time  —  well  known  in  all  the  trials  of  strength  or 
activity  among  the  young  men  for  several  miles  around.  He  was  endowed  with 
great  presence  of  mind,  intrepidity,  perseverance,  and  possessed  a  plausible 
address."  Caleb  Stark  :  Memoir  of  John  Stark  (in  Robert  Rogers'  Reminis 
cences  of  the  French  War,  a  garbled  edition  of  the  Journalist  Concord,  1831, 

P-  387. 

3  New  Hampshire  Province  Deeds  ,•   Parker  to  Rogers,  and  others. 

34 


FRONTIER  TRAVELS 

tended  not  more  to  gratify  my  curiosity  than  to  inure 
me  to  hardship,  and  to  qualify  me  for  my  later  ser 
vices."  '  His  knowledge  of  the  French  towns  could 
easily  have  been  obtained  as  a  petty  trader,  or  a  hunter- 
explorer.  The  nearest  of  them  lay  far  to  the  north  and 
west,  above  Memphremagog,  Champlain,  and  the  head 
waters  of  the  St.  Francis  —  a  journey  to  be  measured 
only  in  days  of  hard  travel.  Intercourse  between  the 
French  and  the  English,  however,  was  not  rare  after 
the  close  of  King  George's  War;  and  in  one  capacity 
or  the  other  many  opportunities  must  have  offered  the 
young  man,  already  locally  famed  for  his  strength  of 
limb  and  knowledge  of  the  wood,  to  accompany  expe 
ditions  beyond  the  border.  His  love  for  adventure  and 
his  geographical  curiosity  alone  might  account  for  the 
fact  that,  like  Whittier's  grandfather,  he  had  repeatedly 
watched  the  moonlight  play  upon  Norman  cap  and 
bodiced  waist,  reeling  in  dance  among  the  northern 
pines,  or  in  dusky  wigwam  or  open  camp  had  sat  down 
to  the  moose  and  roast  corn  of  a  savage  board.*  He 
may  have  helped  build  roads,  such  as  that  which  Gov 
ernor  Wentworth  projected  in  1753  to  Cohase  Meadows, 
high  up  on  the  Connecticut,  or  have  joined  the  official 
surveying  and  exploring  parties  which  at  this  time  were 
penetrating  all  upper  Vermont  and  New  Hampshire. 
Parkman  has  suggested  that  he  was  probably  engaged 
in  smuggling ; 3  but  in  New  England  nefarious  com 
merce  was  then  almost  exclusively  a  coastwise  practise, 
and  no  such  improbable  hypothesis  is  required  to  ex 
plain  why  a  young  man  of  mettle  should  not  always 
have  contented  himself  with  a  farmer's  sphere. 

What  is  to  be  observed  is  that  when  in  1754  he  had 

1  Preface  to  Robert  Rogers'    Journals,   London,    1765.      Similar  statements 
are  to  be  found  in  some  of  his  later  memorials. 

2  J.  G.  Whittier,  Snowbound, 

3  Parkman,  Montcalm  and  Wolfe,  II,  1 19. 

35 


PONTEACH :   OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

attained  to  some  maturity,  he  appreciated  fully  the  re 
sources  and  temper  of  English  border  civilization;  he 
was  acquainted  with  the  language  and  customs  of  both 
French  and  Indians;  the  forest  was  a  book  whose  pages 
he  had  cultivated  until  there  were  few  of  its  problems, 
its  hardships,  or  its  dangers  he  could  not  master;  and 
he  knew  with  some  intimacy  all  the  land  enclosed  be 
tween  the  White  Mountains,  the  nearer  shore  of  the 
St.  Lawrence,  and  the  sources  of  the  Hudson.  His 
whole  character  —  his  strength,  endurance,  and  initia 
tive,  with  many  rougher  and  less ,  admirable  traits  — 
was  that  of  a  frontiersman.  With  1754  there  dawned 
a  new  epoch  in  his  life. 


II 

Ranging  service;    The  French  and   Indian  War;    Exploits  on  Lake 
Champlain;    The  Surrender  of  the  West. 

As  early  as  1753,  the  summer  in  which  Robert 
Rogers  was  engaged  at  Merrimac,  all  the  omens  of  the 
sky,  from  the  St.  Lawrence  and  Penobscot  to  the 
Niagara  and  Ohio,  threatened  another  French  war.1 
In  the  spring  of  that  year  Duquesne  had  sent  out  from 
Montreal  an  expedition  which  by  June  had  built  forts 
at  Presqu'  Isle  and  Le  Boeuf,  and  in  August  had  occu 
pied  Venango,  thus  commanding  the  portages  from 
Lake  Erie  to  the  Alleghany.  Throughout  the  summer 
the  Indians  of  the  Northwest — the  Miami,  Sauk,  Pota- 
watomi,  Chippewa,  and  even  some  of  the  Iroquois  — 
were  submitting  to  the  representatives  of  the  French 
king  with  the  most  zealous  protestations  of  fidelity, 
some  even  bringing  in.  English  scalps  in  earnest  of  their 
sincerity.  Already  Dinwiddie  of  Virginia  had  sent  out 
troops  to  throw  up  a  fort  at  the  forks  of  the  Ohio,  and 
was  laying  those  plans  which,  with  the  coming  of 
autumn,  were  to  introduce  George  Washington  to  the 
world.  In  the  east  preparations  for  war  went  as  briskly 
on.  During  the  summer  of  1749  the  first  redoubts  and 
palisades  at  Halifax,  on  the  south  coast  of  Acadia,  had 
been  erected,  and  the  battalions  of  Louisbourg  had 
marched  in  behind  the  ramparts  of  the  most  northern 
of  English  fortresses;  and  under  more  immediate  indi 
cations  of  conflict  nearly  one-third  of  the  French  in- 

1  Francis  Parkman,  Montcalm  and  Wolfe.  Boston,  1905,  Frontenac  Edition, 
II,  Chapters  I-V. 

37 


PONTEACH :    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

habitants  of  the  land,  pastoral  and  listless  as  they  were, 
were  emigrating  to  their  brethren  in  the  west.  At  the 
same  time,  international  discussions  showed  that  the 
theoretical  claims  of  the  two  peoples  were  irreconcil 
able.  The  French  extremists  claimed  to  the  heads  of 
the  waterways  emptying  into  the  St.  Lawrence,  the 
Great  Lakes,  and  the  Ohio;  the  English  extremists, 
basing  their  title  upon  the  wide  territory  overrun  by 
the  Six  Nations,  would  have  confined  their  rivals,  out 
side  Louisiana,  to  their  meagre  settlements  in  Ontario 
and  Quebec. 

For  the  colony  of  New  Hampshire  the  avant-couriers 
of  war  were,  as  usual,  sporadic  outbreaks  of  violence 
and  discontent  among  the  unruly  Indians  who  occupied 
the  hinterland  between  the  settlements  and  Canada; 
and  it  was  in  the  suppression  of  these  irruptions  that 
Rogers  was  first  called  into  service.  The  northern 
colonies  were  not  well  prepared  for  the  extremity  that 
was  upon  them.  As  the  Mohawk  chief  Hendrick  told 
their  governors  at  the  Albany  conference  of  1759,'  they 
had  but  to  look  about  to  see  that  their  country  was 
bare  of  fortifications.  "  It  is  but  a  step  from  Canada 
hither,"  he  said,  "and  the  French  may  come  at  any 
time  and  turn  you  out  of  doors.  Like  men,  they  are 
fortifying  everywhere.  But  you  are  like  women,  ex 
posed  and  open,  without  fortifications."  As  the  fever 
and  tension  of  war  increased,  the  tribes'  responsiveness 
to  it  kept  pace.  In  December,  1752,  the  Assembly  of 
New  Hampshire  authorized  the  cutting  of  a  road  to  the 
fertile  Cohase  Meadows,3  one  hundred  miles  up  on  the 
Connecticut;  and  the  appearance  in  1753  °f  a  company 
of  woodsmen  and  guards  in  that  extreme  region,  sur 
veying  the  proposed  highway,  threw  the  Indians  of  the 

1  Nftv  York  Colonial  Documents,  VI,  863. 
1  New  Hampshire  Province  Papers,  VI,   198. 

38 


FRESH  MILITARY  SERVICE 

St.  Francis  tribe  into  a  state  of  restless  uneasiness.1  Al 
though  the  scheme  was  not  pushed,  they  at  once  began 
a  course  of  depredations  and  raids.  The  spring  of  1754 
witnessed  petty  attacks  upon  Stevenstown,  Conticook, 
and  other  townships  north  of  Rumfbrd,  in  such  num 
bers  that  in  early  summer  Governor  Wentworth  ordered 
out  a  company,  under  Colonel  Blanchard,  to  patrol  the 
upper  reaches  of  the  Merrimac.  In  this  company 
Rogers  enlisted  on  August  23,  and  served  until  Sep 
tember  2 13  —  the  third  time,  except  for  various  brief 
periods  of  militia  duty,  that  he  had  been  in  the  military 
employ  of  the  colony.  He  was  a  valued  accession  to 
the  corps,  for  of  the  country  over  which  Blanchard 
attempted  to  extend  a  fan-like  grip  he  had  a  ready  and 
intimate  knowledge.  He  did  not,  however,  see  real 
action;  although  the  pestering  inroads  of  the  Indians 
continued,  Blanchard  did  no*-  even  come  to  a  skirmish 
with  them,  and  the  penurious  Assembly  forced  the 
dissolution  of  the  command  within  two  months.  He 
was  therefore  free  during  the  autumn  to  return  to  his 
later  harvest,  or  to  whatever  adventurous  pursuits  he 
chose. 

But  not  for  long.  Some  weeks  he  spent  in  rather 
desultory  employment  near  Rumford,  hunting,  farming, 
and  selling  cattle,  and  then,  in  midwinter,  as  belligerent 
measures  went  on  apace,  found  employment  as  an  en 
listing  officer.  On  May  28,  1754,  the  troops  of  Wash 
ington,  encountering  in  the  valley  of  the  Monongahela 
the  courier  party  of  Coulon  de  Jumonville,  had  received 
the  order  to  fire,  and  so  opened  the  Seven  Years'  war. 
The  news  of  Washington's  surrender  at  Fort  Necessity 
on  July  4  thus  found  the  troops  of  Carolina,  Virginia, 


'  New  Hampshire  Province  Papers,  4£J,  199. 

3  New  Hampshire  Province  Pa  fen,   VI,    296;    Potter,    Military  History  of 
New  Hampshire,  I,   118. 

39 


PONTEACH :    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

and  New  York  all  mobilizing  for  western  campaigns, 
and  the  burgesses  of  Pennsylvania  and  Maryland  grant 
ing  to  the  common  cause  all  that  their  poverty  or 
parsimony  would  allow,1  New  England  had  always 
suffered  so  much  from  French  war-parties  that  she 
was  eager  to  accoutre  herself  for  battle.  Shirley  of 
Massachusetts  wrung  a  large  grant  of  money  from  the 
General  Court,  marched  himself  to  forestall  French 
occupation  of  the  Chaudiere,  and  despatched  Captain 
Winslow  to  build  two  forts  on  the  Kennebec.  In  New 
Hampshire  Wentworth  had  already  detached  a  troop 
to  search  for  a  French  fort  falsely  rumored  to  be  under 
construction  on  the  Connecticut.  As  the  first  snows 
fell,  plans  were  being  matured  among  the  upper  tier 
of  colonies  for  a  northern  expedition,  at  first  vaguely 
designated  as  "against  Canada,"  but  as  the  months 
went  by  clearly  aimed  against  Crown  Point,  always  a 
thorn  in  New  England's  side.  As  an  enlisting  agent 
for  this  last  army  Rogers  found  remunerative  employ 
ment,  as  well  as  an  opportunity  to  provide  a  small 
future  command  for  himself.  We  first  hear  of  him 
in  this  connection  in  January,  1755,  when,  without 
stopping  to  get  permission  from  Governor  Wentworth, 
he  accepted  employment  under  Major  Joseph  Frye  of 
Massachusetts  to  raise  twenty  men  for  the  Bay  Colony's 
quota.3 

This  occupation  he  was  compelled  to  interrupt  to 
extricate  himself  from  grave  legal  difficulties.  Early  in 
February  he  was  suspected  of  being  implicated  with 
others  in  counterfeiting  the  bills  of  credit  of  the  prov 
inces,  a  crime  punishable  according  to  the  inhumane 
laws  of  the  period  by  an  extreme  penalty.  On  Febru 
ary  7,  he  was  arrested  and  tried  before  the  Inferior 

'  Parkman,  Montialm  and  Wolfe,  I,  Chapter  VJ. 
2  New  Hampshire  Province  Papen,  VI,  364. 

40 


THE  CHARGE  OF  COUNTERFEITING 

Court  at  Rumford,  with  fifteen  others,  and  so  much 
evidence  was  adduced  against  him  that  he  was  placed 
under  bond  of  ^500  to  appear  before  the  Superior 
Court  at  Portsmouth  on  February  12.'  It  was  estab 
lished  during  Rogers'  examination  that,  while  he  was 
hunting  near  Rumford  the  previous  autumn,  he  had 
been  approached  by  one  Sullivan  of  Boston,  a  maker 
of  counterfeit  notes,  who  had  offered  to  buy  three  yoke 
of  oxen  which  Rogers  kept  for  sale,  and,  showing  him 
a  handful  of  new  bills,  had  given  him  one  of  twenty 
shillings  for  pasturing  his  horse.  Hoping  to  get  a  large 
quantity  of  the  counterfeit  money,  Rogers  had  brought 
his  oxen  to  the  place  appointed,  but  had  found  that 
Sullivan,  alarmed,  was  already  fled  from  the  country. 
Rogers  testified  also  that  he  had  asked  Captain  Blanch- 
ard  and  others  to  become  partners  with  him  in  count 
erfeiting,  "to  find  out  if  they  were  concerned  in  the 
matter";  and  that  they  had  refused  and  had  warned 
him  of  the  business  in  the  strongest  terms.  Four  of 
those  who  were  tried  with  Rogers  were  sent  to  jail, 
and  five  others  were  admitted  to  bond.  He  was  badly 
frightened,  and  went  at  once  to  Portsmouth  to  find 
means  of  clearing  himself;  *  meanwhile  twenty-four 
men  whom  he  had  enlisted  for  Massachusetts  had 
gathered  there,  and  a  happy  thought  struck  him. 
Finding  that  his  own  province  was  greatly  in  need 
of  volunteers,  and  of  capable  enlisting  officers  to  drum 

1  New  Hampshire    Court  Files,    Secretary  of  State's    Office,  No.  26954  and 
others. 

2  In   this  matter  of  counterfeiting,  see  ihe  papers  used  in  the  Inferior  Court, 
Feb.    7,    1754,   and    still    presen  cd  at    Concord,   New  Hampshire.     The   bills 
counterfeited  were  of   twenty,   ten,   and  six   shilling    denominations.     The    two 
Joseph  Blanchards  (one  of  whom  Rogers  had  asked  to  join  him),  John  GofFe, 
and  Matthew  Thornton  were  the  justices  who  conducted  the  examination.    The 
general  impression  to  be  gained  from  the  answers  of  Rogers  to  their  questions 
is  that  he  had  been  temporarily  led  astray,  in  part  by  native  dishonesty,  in  part  by 
a  rural  want  of  judgment,  but  had  early  forsaken  his  evil  course  in  alarm. 


PONTEACH:    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

them  up,  he  secured  a  commission  from  Wentworth 
himself,  and  the  next  day  turned  over  all  his  soldiers  to 
the  New  Hampshire  government.  When  the  hour  set 
for  his  trial  arrived  a  week  later,  he  had  so  curried 
favor  that  he  was  admitted  as  King's  evidence,  and 
apparently  escaped  scot  free.1  He  returned  up-country, 
and  set  about  registering  soldiers  for  Colonel  Blanchard, 
who  was  to  command  the  single  regiment  which  the 
province  was  sending  against  Crown  Point.  Here  he 
met  with  marked  success,  until  Frye,  with  the  backing 
of  Shirley,  complained  to  Wentworth  of  his  conduct, 
stating  that  Rogers  had  secured  his  first  volunteers  by 
the  use  of  king's  money,  and  demanding  that  he  be 
given  exemplary  punishment  for  treacherously  and  il 
legally  returning  them  for  New  Hampshire.  Went 
worth,  however,  shielded  his  subordinate  by  replying 
that  Frye's  agreement  with  Rogers  was  utterly  irregu 
lar,  and  that  the  latter,  "whom  I  am  told  is  recognized 
for  a  capital  offense,"  was  out  of  his  reach."  Indeed, 
although  in  April  fresh  evidence  against  Rogers  as  a 
counterfeiter  was  produced  by  a  farmer  of  Exeter,  who 
had  received  bad  notes  from  him,  he  was  not  further 
molested.3  The  New  Hampshire  quota  of  five  hundred 
men  was  now  almost  complete,  and  ready  to  march ; 

1  No  Superior  Court  records  of  his  trial  have  been  preserved,  and  the  sole 
statement  upon  which  this  explanation  of  his  continued  liberty  is  based  (perhaps 
an  insufficient  one)  is  that  in  the  New  Hampshire  Province  Papers  t  VI,  364, 
in  which  Fryc  states  that  Rogers  had  gone  to  Portsmouth  to  take  the  steps  sug 
gested. 

a  John  Winslow,  Journal  (Ms. ),  Massachusetts  Historical  Society,  I,  9. 

3  This  farmer,  named  Carty  Gilman,  when  searched  as  a  suspect,  had  on  his 
person  two  counterfeit  bills  and  a  letter  from  Rogers ;  the  letter  he  stuffed  in  his 
mouth  and  partially  ate  before  it  could  be  recovered.  The  decipherable  portion, 
still  preserved,  runs:  «'  Mr.  Gilman,  for  God's  sake  do  the  work  that  you 
promised  me  that  you  would  do.  By  no  means  fail,  or  you  will  destroy  me 
forever.  Sir,  my  life  lies  at  your  providence  ;  once  more  I  adjure  you  by  your 
Maker  to  do  it,  for  why  should  such  an  honest  man  be  killed?"  Gilman  con 
fessed  that  he  had  received  several  bills  from  Captain  Rogers,  some  of  which  he 
had  passed,  others  of  which  he  had  returned. 


APPOINTMENT  AS  CAPTAIN 

the  Assembly,  acting  in  unison  with  those  of  Massachu 
setts,  Connecticut,  and  New  York,  had  voted  ,£30,000 
toward  the  expense  of  the  joint  attack  on  Crown  Point; 
and  the  state's  experienced  soldiers  could  not  be  kept 
waiting  in  the  lawcourts. 

In  Blanchard's  regiment,  Rogers,  who  had  enlisted 
more  men  than  any  other  agent,  and  who,  as'  an  old 
friend  and  subordinate  of  the  commander,  had  given  full 
proof  of  his  merits  as  a  fighter,  was  at  the  end  of  spring 
appointed  captain  of  the  first  company.1  His  avenue  to 
distinction  was  now  fairly  open.  The  plan  of  the  first 
campaign  of  the  war  General  Braddock  had  determined 
upon  two  months  previously,  in  conference  with  the 
governors  of  the  colonies  at  Alexandria,  Virginia.  The 
commander-in-chief  was  himself  to  cross  the  Alleghanies 
and  reduce  Fort  Duquesne ;  Governor  Shirley  of  Massa 
chusetts  was  to  head  an  expedition  against  Fort  Fron- 
tenac  and  Niagara  on  the  Great  Lakes ;  Moncton  was  to 
take  ship  against  the  French  posts  which  threatened 
Nova  Scotia;  and  Sir  William  Johnson,  whom  Admiral 
Sir  Peter  Warren  had  placed  in  charge  of  his  extensive 
lands  on  the  Mohawk  years  before,  and  who  had  just 
been  made  Indian  superintendent,  was  to  lead  the  long 
dreamed-of  attack  upon  Crown  Point.  Thanks  to  the 
zeal  of  the  northern  colonies,  when  the  last-named  com 
mander  hastened  back  to  Albany  with  Braddock's  in 
structions,  he  found  his  forces  everywhere  mustering 
with  arms  and  stores,  and  ready  to  begin  their  march. 
The  troops  were  of  heterogenous  origin.3  Connecticut 
had  voted  twelve  hundred  men,  Rhode  Island  four  hun 
dred,  Massachusetts  twelve  hundred,  New  York  eight 
hundred.  In  May  and  June,  together  with  swarms  of 
Mohawk  Indians,  they  all  began  to  converge  toward 

1  Potter,  Military  History  of  New  Hampshire,  I,  129. 

8  Parkman,  Montcalm  and  H'olfe,  II,  Chapters  VII  and  IX. 

43 


PONTEACH :    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

their  appointed  camp  at  the  "  Flats "  above  Albany ; 
and  in  the  general  movement  the  New  Hampshire 
regiment  at  once  entered  upon  its  term  of  service. 
Rogers'  company  was  the  earliest  in  motion. 

The  first  instructions  given  to  the  regiment  to  march 
were  blundering.1  Ignorant,  like  all  his  counselors,  of 
the  actual  geography  of  the  country  about  Lakes  George 
and  Champlain,  Wentworth  on  May  28  announced  his 
intention  of  sending  the  regiment  against  Crown  Point 
by  a  short  cut  through  Cohase  Meadows  on  the  high 
Connecticut.  A  rendezvous  was  chosen  on  its  banks 
some  miles  above  Lancaster,  and  —  so  Wentworth 
thought  —  only  four  days  across  the  wilds  of  Vermont 
from  the  English  headquarters  above  Albany.  Far 
from  being  expeditious,  a  route  more  roundabout,  more 
exposed  to  attack,  and  more  poorly  calculated  to  assist 
the  forward  movement  of  Johnson's  main  force  from 
the  south,  could  scarcely  have  been  chosen.  Shirley 
immediately  protested,  but  for  the  present  the  gover 
nor's  instructions  could  only  be  obeyed.  While  the 
remainder  of  the  troops  were  gathering  at  Canterbury, 
Rogers  with  his  fifty  men  was  sent  on  to  Cohase,  there 
to  build  a  fort  at  the  rendezvous.  This  rough  rampart, 
thrown  up  during  the  month  of  June,  he  named  Fort 
Wentworth,  and  after  posting  a  sufficient  guard  be 
hind  its  walls,  at  once  returned  south.3  Meanwhile, 
Johnson  had  warned  Wentworth  early  in  June  against 
going  any  farther  northward;  and  the  main  column 
of  provincials,  already  straggling  through  the  forest  to 

1  New  Hampshire  Province  Papers,  VI,  386,  392,  and  ff. 

3  Rogers'  Journals  say  :  "  Upon  taking  command  of  a  company  of  the  troops 
furnished  by  the  province  of  New  Hampshire,  I  made  several  excursions,  pursuant 
to  special  orders  from  the  governor,  on  the  northern  and  western  frontiers,  with  a 
view  to  deter  the  French  and  Indians  from  making  inroads  upon  us  by  that  way. 
In  this  manner  I  was  employed  until  the  month  of  July"  (page  viii).  For  an 
account  of  ;he  fort  Rogers  built  see  Potter's  Military  History  of  New  Hampshire , 
I,  144.  Rogers  was  probably  formally  enlisted  April  24,  1755.  Idem,  p.  129. 

44 


FIRST  EXPERIENCE  AS  RANGER 

Stevenstown,  was  recalled  to  a  secure  line  of  march. 
On  July  20,  Blanchard  and  his  men  set  out  along  the 
proper  route,  by  way  of  Charleston  and  Fort  Dummer, 
and  arrived  on  August  12  at  Albany.  The  regiment 
rested  a  few  days  in  town,  and  was  then  sent  to  guard 
the  companies  and  wagons  moving  slowly  up  the  Hud 
son  to  Fort  Edward. 

Here,  at  the  end  of  three  weeks,  Rogers  was  given 
the  employment  in  which  he  was  to  make  his  distinc 
tive  military  mark,  and  for  which  his  talents  designed 
him.  While  Johnson's  army,  preceded  by  squadrons 
of  axemen  hewing  the  way,  pushed  on  to  Lake  George, 
Blanchard  was  ordered  to  defend  Fort  Edward,  still  in 
complete;  but  the  tall  young  captain  was  called  in  to 
an  interview  with  the  general,  to  whom  he  had  been 
recommended  as  a  person  well  acquainted  with  the 
haunts  and  passes  of  the  enemy,  and  the  Indian  mode 
of  righting.  The  shrewd,  frank  baronet  was  impressed 
with  Rogers'  presence  and  speech.1  His  army,  for  the 
most  part  a  badly  organized  concourse  of  farmers  and 
farmers'  sons,  pressing  into  a  forest  alive  with  French 
spies  and  hostile  Indians,  stood  in  dire  need  of  a  body 
of  efficient  scouts;  and  he  saw  his  opportunity  to  use 
such  a  frontiersman  to  advantage.  The  bold  young 
provincial  was  therefore  at  once  detached  from  Blanch- 
ard's  command,  and  ordered,  with  a  party  of  selected 
and  hardy  woodsmen,  to  hold  himself  in  readiness  for 

1  Rogers'  Journals,  page  8.  Johnson  wrote  to  Sir  Charles  Hardy:  «' Captain 
Rogers'  bravery  and  veracity  stand  very  clear  in  my  opinion,  and  that  of  all  who 
know  him.  Though  his  regiment  is  gone  he  remains  here  a  volunteer,  and  is  the 
most  active  man  in  our  army.  Tomorrow  he  purposes  to  set  off  with  two  or  three 
picked  men  to  take  a  review  of  Ticonderoga,  and  proceed  to  Crown  Point  for  a 
prisoner.  I  mention  him  particularly  as  I  understand  that  some  insinuations  have 
been  made  to  his  disadvantage.  I  believe  him  to  be  as  brave  and  as  honest  a  man 
as  any  I  have  equal  knowledge  of,  and  both  myself  and  the  army  are  convinced 
he  has  distinguished  himself  since  he  has  been  among  us,  superior  to  most,  inferior 
to  none,  of  his  rank."  Johnson  MJS.,  3,  83.  (October  13,  1755.) 

45 


PONTEACH:    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

special  ranging  excursions.  Within  a  few  days  he  was 
sent  away  to  follow  and  explore  the  upper  distances  of 
the  Hudson,  to  the  west  of  Lake  George,  and  was 
therefore  absent  when,  on  September  8,  the  French 
army  which  Dieskau  had  marched  too  rashly  to  the 
head  of  the  lake  was  defeated,  and  its  leader  killed. 
This  barren  victory,  closing  for  a  moment  major  oper 
ations  in  that  quarter,  gave  only  a  further  impulse  to 
Rogers'  forays  and  scouts,  for  the  defensive  columns  at 
Crown  Point  and  Ticonderoga,  settling  pugnaciously 
down  before  William-Henry,  the  new  fort  on  Lake 
George,  required  constant  surveillance.  Within  a  month 
he  had  proved  his  indispensability  to  yohnson,  and  as 
the  colonial  legions  melted  away  to  the  proportions  of 
a  large  garrison  he  was  fairly  divorced  from  the  frontier 
settlement,  with  all  its  peaceful  dangers  to  a  nature  like 
his,  and  devoted  to  the  excursions  and  alarms  of  war. 
As  the  remaining  battalions  established  themselves  be 
hind  their  new  bulwarks,  he  found  himself  designated 
for  the  special  services  of  irregular  warfare,  at  first  under 
the  direct  command  of  Johnson  himself,  later  under  the 
commissioners  sent  to  the  fort  by  the  colonies.1 

Indeed,  the  incidents  of  the  first  six  months  sufficed 
to  establish  Rogers'  reputation  and  position.9  Before 
the  close  of  1755  he  had  made  seven  sallies  from  Fort 
William-Henry,  had  mapped  in  detail  the  French 
works  at  Crown  Point  and  Ticonderoga,  had  thor 
oughly  explored  the  surrounding  country,  and  had 
repeatedly  taken  prisoners  whose  examination  yielded 

1  Potter,  Military  History  of  New  Hampshire,  I,  155.  A  council  of  war  was 
held  at  Lake  George  in  November,  1755,  an^  by  its  decision  Rogers  and  his 
company  were  among  those  retained  at  Fort  William  Henry  as  a  garrison  through 
out  the  winter.  He  represented  all  the  colonies,  and  not  New  Hampshire  in  par 
ticular  —  a  fact  which  later  caused  him  endless  difficulty  in  securing  his  own  and 
his  men's  pay. 

3  Rogers'  Journals^  p.  1-12. 

46 


GALLANTRY  AND  COLONIAL  RECOGNITION 

facts  of  the  greatest  value  concerning  the  enemy's 
position.  His  squads,  which  numbered  from  four  to 
fifty  j  he  handled,  in  Johnson's  words,  with  "unpar 
alleled  boldness  and  usefulness."  He  was  the  eyes  of 
the  English  camp.  In  March  and  February  of  1756 
he  continued  his  tactics  with  signal  success,  twice  on 
bitterly  cold  nights  marching  sixty  men  within  hailing- 
distance  of  the  French  forts,  and  setting  in  flames  the 
villages  under  their  very  walls.  In  a  winter  noted  for 
the  general  listlessness  with  which  the  war  was  con 
ducted,  his  long  expeditions  furnished  the  only  illumi 
nation  on  the  page  of  affairs.  The  northern  colonies, 
deeply  interested  in  the  reduction  of  Crown  Point, 
were  especially  regardful  of  his  services,  and  as  the 
spring  assemblies  convened  official  notice  was  taken  of 
his  exploits.  In  late  February  the  New  York  House 
granted  him  125  Spanish  milled  pieces  of  eight  "as  a 
gratuity  for  his  extraordinary  courage,  conduct,  and 
diligence  against  the  French  and  their  Indians."1  A 
proposal  for  a  similar  measure  was  made  in  New 
Hampshire;  while  Shirley,  quite  forgetting  his  old 
score,  twice  urged  the  Massachusetts  Court  to  show 
a  like  mark  of  their  approbation.2 

Upon  their  refusal,  Shirley  resolved  with  customary 
zeal  to  take  some  step  which  would  ensure  Rogers' 
continuance  in  his  present  station,  and  increase  the 
scope  of  his  possibilities  for  service,  and  in  March  sent 
for  him  to  come  to  Boston.  In  the  council  chamber 
of  the  old  Province  House  the  governor  gave  the  young 
officer  a  commission  as  captain  of  a,i  independent  com 
pany  of  rangers.  Specific  directions  to  enlist  woods 
men  accustomed  to  travelling  and  hunting,  and  to  use 
them  in  harassing  the  French,  accompanied  the  com- 

1  Massachusetts  Archives,  IV,    546.     This  was  on  February  25,  1756. 

2  Massachusetts  Archives,  CIX,  243. 

47 


PONTEACH  :   OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

mission.1  Within  a  fortnight  Rogers  had  attracted  to 
his  standard  the  requisite  number  of  tried  frontiersmen, 
and,  sending  a  part  with  his  brother  Richard  to  Albany, 
marched  with  the  rest  across  the  forest-covered  hills  of 
lower  Vermont.  The  manner  of  his  arrival  was  char- 
acteristic.'  Emerging  on  a  bright  May  morning  from 
the  woods  near  the  enemy's  post,  he  lay  in  wait  oppo 
site,  hoping  some  party  might  venture  across  to  be 
attacked.  In  the  afternoon  and  evening  four  or  five 
hundred  gaily-uniformed  grenadiers,  piloted  by  Indians 
in  war-paint,  paddled  loiteringly  past;  but  although  the 
English  kept  their  posts  till  ten  o'clock  next  day,  they 
found  no  opportunity  to  ambush  them.  At  that  hour 
they  discovered  a  herd  of  cattle  grazing  close  behind 
them,  and  shot  more  than  a  score,  whose  tongues  they 
found  "a  great  refreshment."  The  reports  of  their 
guns,  unfortunately,  were  heard  by  the  French,  and 
eleven  canoes  of  armed  men  crossed  the  lake  so  direct 
ly  and  threateningly  toward  them  that  they  were  forced 
to  disperse  to  escape  their  pursuers.  Later  they  passed 
down  the  lake  on  a  raft,  seeing  as  they  did  so  the 
French  soldiery  drawn  up  on  glittering  parade,  with  a 
crowd  of  interested  savages  watching  them,  beside  the 
"old  carrying-place"  of  Ticonderoga. 

Beginning  with  October,  1755,  and  continuing  near 
ly  six  years,  all  Rogers'  expeditions,  adventures,  and 
exploits,  are  recorded  in  his  journals;  —  dryly,  unam- 
bitiously,  but  with  a  detail  that  in  spite  of  itself  glows 
at  some  passages  into  vividness.  The  forces  he  com 
manded,  and  the  magnitude  of  the  operations  in  which 
he  engaged,  grew  from  a  small  beginning  until  he  was 
among  the  most  renowned  and  efficient  of  provincial 
commanders;  but  the  spectacular  zest,  the  bold  dash, 


Rogers'  Journals,  p.   13,  14,  I  5. 
Rogera*  Journals ,  p.  16,  17. 


48 


THE  LIFE  OF  THE  RANGER 

of  his  achievement  was  always  the  same.  No  branch 
of  American  arms  of  the  period  was  so  glamorously 
adventurous,  so  active,  dangerous,  and  fascinating ;  none 
balanced  so  well  the  unique  piquancy  of  forest  cam 
paigning  against  its  constant-perils  and  privations.  The 
first  four  weary  years  that  the  campaign  dragged  on 
about  Crown  Point  were  emblazoned  by  his  feats  alone. 
With  headquarters  at  William-Henry,  his  command 
held  in  leash  all  the  debatable  ground  that  lay  to  the 
north,  and  ranged  over  plain  and  valley  to  give  battle 
or  secure  information.  The  two  attractive  lakes,  George 
and  Champlain,  with  the  hills,  the  deep  woods,  the 
brooks  and  ponds  that  environed  them,  were  in  all 
seasons  and  weathers  their  constant  arena,  and  a  home 
of  wonderful  variety  and  charm.  In  summer  they 
made  their  daring  dashes  upon  the  placid  water  which 
for  miles  mirrored  back  the  surrounding  rock  and 
mountain,  paddling  their  canoes  noiselessly  along  shores 
whose  drooping  foliage  made  for  them  an  embowered 
lane,  and  slipping  past  islands  asleep  in  August  haze,  in 
a  silence  broken  only  by  the  screaming  of  the  jay,  or 
the  soughing  of  the  wind  through  the  sumac  and 
ivy.  In  frozen  winter,  they  would  break  a  midnight 
camp  as  the  rising  moon  threw  its  chill  reflection 
over  the  glittering  waste  of  the  forest,  or  under  a 
wan  and  dying  sun  thread  their  way  on  snow-shoes 
along  some  ice-bound  str^am,  under  birches  and  alders 
stooping  with  their  feathery  burden.  The  fascination 
of  the  surpri&e,  of  the  sharp  report  that  rang  over  the 
sleeping  hill,  of  the  gloomy  ambush  and  the  breath 
less  pursuit  or  flight,  was  stronger  with  them  than 
the  fear  of  death,  or  the  longing  for  security  and 
peace.  From  spring  till  autumn  contact  wkh  nature 
filled  them  with  hardy  energy.  Nor  were  their  ser 
vices  ever  insignificant.  With  their  increasing  strength 

49 


PONTEACH :    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

and  prestige  they  kept  the  whole  region,  and  every 
French  or  Indian  encampment,  under  continuous  sur 
vey.  They  reconnoitred  their  forts,  took  prisoners  to 
extort  information,  intercepted  provisions,  fired  grain- 
ricks  and  houses,  killed  cattle,  captured  bateaux,  and 
reported  the  most  trivial  movements  of  troops.  Their 
vigilance  and  pugnacity  kept  them  always  penetrating 
the  enemy's  lines,  stealing  upon  his  intrenchments  and 
sentries,1  engaging  his  outparties  in  hornet-like  skir 
mishes,  and  retiring  with  volleys  into  the  darkness  of 
an  unforeseen  ambuscade. 

Rogers'  command  was  steadily  augmented.  On  July 
20,  1756,  he  was  given  a  second  company,  captained 
by  his  brother  Richard,  and  in  the  next  month  thirty 
Stockbridge  Indians  were  placed  under  his  direction,  to 
serve  upon  missions  which  required  endurance  and  sly 
daring  rather  than  calm  judgment;  while  during  the 
late  autumn,  two  new  companies,  under  Captain  Spike- 
man  and  Hobbs,  were  ordered  up  to  spend  the  winter 
at  William-Henry.  In  one  of  these  Robert's  brother 
James  was  ensign.  With  the  full  advent  of  spring  two 
more  companies  were  raised,  one  from  the  Jerseys 
under  Captain  Burgin,  the  other  from  inactive  regi 
ments  of  English  regulars.  Still  another  was  afterwards 
added,  so  that  during  the  greater  portion  of  the  three 
years'  campaigning  about  Crown  Point  which  followed 
1756,  Rogers  commanded  seven  or  eight  companies, 
the  whole  forming  a  perfectly  unified  and  coherent 
battalion,  although  its  various  parts  were  often  dispersed 
on  widely  different  errands.  His  comprehensive  author 
ity  over  the  body  was  recognized  early  in  1758,  when 

1  For  this,  and  whatever  matter  is  not  hereafter  specifically  credited  to  another 
source,  see  Rogers'  Journals,  London,  1765.  For  the  account  of  the  habits  of 
Rogers'  men  and  their  method  of  fighting,  material  has  been  drawn  in  especial 
from  the  plan  of  discipline  which  he  drew  up  for  his  regular  companies  in  1757, 
given  on  pp.  60-70. 

5° 


THE  LIFE  OF  THE  RANGER 

Abercrombie  appointed  him  a  major  commanding  all 
the  rangers  in  His  Majesty's  service.  Thenceforth  he 
directed  the  movement  of  the  whole  corps,  retaining, 
however,  command  of  an  especial  company  with  which 
he  himself  undertook  the  most  dangerous  and  onerous 
expeditions.  With  him  or  under  him,  at  different 
times,  such  famous  and  capable  soldiers  as  John  Stark, 
Israel  Putnam,  and  James  Dalyell  served  their  appren 
ticeship. 

These  rangers  stand  among  the  most  picturesque  of 
all  the  troops  which  have  served  on  the  American  con 
tinent,  for  both  temper  and  appearance  answered  well 
to  their  rough  and  audacious  life.  Most  of  them  were 
the  resolute  sons  of  the  border  villages  and  farms,  inured, 
like  their  commander,  to  the  fatigues  of  harassing  and 
unbelievable  journeys,  the  extremes  of  heat  and  cold, 
and  distressing  privations  of  food  and  shelter  during 
long  periods;  fearless,  steady  of  nerve,  and  resourceful 
of  mind.  A  few  were  true  Puritans;  some  others,  worse 
than  Rogers,  added  to  a  stern  forcefulness  character 
istics  by  no  means  so  praiseworthy,  and  were  rough 
and  drunken  when  off  duty,  unscrupulous  in  private 
morals,  and  cruel  in  battle.  In  active  campaigning, 
withal,  they  were  brave,  orderly,  and  efficient.  There 
was  the  same,  want  of  smooth  coordination  between 
their  loose  private  life  and  their  hard  fighting  capacity 
that  marked  the  buccaneers  of  Drake  and  Hawkins. 
They  wore  a  uniform  which  varied  slightly  in  the 
different  companies,  but  which  in  all  was  only  a  mili 
tary  variation  of  the  ordinary  garb  of  hunter  and 
trapper;  and  each  carried  a  smooth-bore  firelock,  with 
sixty  rounds  of  powder  and  ball,  and  a  heavy  hatchet. 
Their  life  in  the  field  was  one  of  infinite  vigilance  and 
hourly  readiness  for  action.  Except  upon  marshy 
ground,  they  marched  in  single  file,  far  enough  apart 

5' 


PONTEACH:    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

that  one  shot  might  not  kill  two  men,  and  with  a  cloud 
of  skirmishers  to  the  front  and  sides.  The  usual  fords 
and  paths  they  carefully  avoided,  and  in  passing  along 
a  large  body  of  water,  kept  at  such  a  distance  that  no 
hostile  ambuscade  could  cut  off  their  retreat.  At  every 
suspicious  thicket  and  hedgy  bank  they  stopped  to 
reconnoitre.  Any  considerable  force  of  the  enemy  was 
hotly  engaged  in  the  scattering,  galling  Indian  style, 
from  behind  logs  and  the  heavy  covert  of  shrubs  and 
bushes;  and  when  overwhelmed  in  numbers  the  rangers 
retired  with  a  slow,  enchafing  fire  until  they  reached  a 
defensible  eminence.  Their  aim  would  check  a  black 
bird's  swift  flight  in  mid-air,  or  bring  down  a  chatter 
ing  squirrel  as  it  ran  along  the  topmost  branch  of  an 
oak.  When  encamped  for  the  night,  they  posted  their 
sentries  in  silent  groups  of  six,  two  of  whom  were  con 
stantly  alert,  so  as  to  avoid  the  necessity  of  relief  from 
the  main  body.  At  dawn,  the  hour  of  stealthy  Indian 
attacks,  they  were  always  awake  and  in  position  to  repel 
a  surprise.  Some  of  their  forced  marches  were  almost 
incredible.  In  midwinter  they  would  skate  down  the 
sheeted  lakes,  and  in  summer  send  their  light  canoes 
shooting  over  their  smooth  surface,  always  hugging  the 
shore,  and  moving  preferably  by  night  to  avoid  detec 
tion.  To  surprise  and  thwart  the  enemy  was  their 
eternal  ambition.  And  of  this  rough  and  stalwart 
crew  Rogers,  with  his  commanding  physique,  his  un 
dying  energy  and  powers  of  woodland  leadership,  his 
ready  wit  and  rollicking  bonhomie,  was  the  heart  and 
informing  spirit. 

Out  of  the  almost  monotonous  succession  of  raids, 
skirmishes,  captures  of  prisoners,  and  spying  trips  of 
the  rangers,  two  principal  engagements  stand  forth  in 
relief.  The  first  occurred  in  January,  1757,  soon  after 
the  arrival  of  Abercrombie  and  Loudon  with  the  whole 


PARTISAN  ENGAGEMENTS 

army  of  the  center  at  Fort  Edward.1  On  the  seventh 
of  the  month  Rogers  took  seventy-five  men,  among 
them  Lieutenant  John  Stark,  and  skated  down  the 
lake,  frozen  deep  and  wind-swept  of  the  heavy  snow, 
until  finally  he  turned  to  the  northwest  and  entered 
the  woods.  His  soldiers  had  provided  themselves  with 
snowshoes,  and  with  these  they  pushed  on  northward, 
now  tacking  to  the  east,  now  to  the  west,  but  keeping 
always  several  miles  to  the  left  of  the  glittering  waste 
of  Lake  George  and  Lake  Champlain,  and  moving 
single  file  over  ironbound  swamps,  iceclad  rocks, 
through  thickets  drifted  high  with  snow  and  under 
firs  and  pines  bowed  with  an  icy  weight.  At  night 
they  bivouacked  in  the  lee  of  a  tall  hill,  scraping  back 
the  snow  from  a  projecting  bank,  and  throwing  down 
their  beds  of  spruce  and  pine  bough  about  a  blazing 
campfire.  The  morning  of  the  twenty-first,  dawning 
with  a  cold  rain  which  multiplied  the  exertions  and 
discomfort  of  their  travel,  discovered  them  breaking 
camp  in  the  deep  woods  half  way  between  Crown 
Point  and  Ticonderoga.  The  gusts  and  flaws  of  the 
unseasonable  day  increased.  Shielding  their  guns  as 
best  they  could  from  the  dripping  branches,  and  plung 
ing  at  every  step  into  the  deep  slush  of  the  forest 
glades,  they  marched  eastward  toward  the  guiding 
bosom  of  Lake  Champlain,  three  miles  away.  As  they 
drew  near  the  edge  of  the  ice,  they  discovered  a  sledge, 
drawn  by  a  team  of  heavy  Norman  horses,  emerging 
from  a  neighboring  headland,  and  obviously  bound 
from  Ticonderoga  to  Crown  Point.  At  once  Rogers 

1  Journals,  p.  38  ff.  Parkman,  Montcalm  and  Wolfe,  II,  129.  Pot'er,  Mil 
itary  History  of  New  Hampshire,  I,  160  ff.  The  valley  between  Crown  Point  and 
Ticonderoga  is  less  than  five  miles  in  breadth  and  some  seventeen  or  eighteen  long. 
From  the  beginning  of  the  campaigns  about  the  two  lakes,  it  was  guarded  by  four 
distinct  outposts  of  the  French,  and  constantly  ranged  over  by  swarms  of  Indians, 
and  a  force  of  Canadian  partisans  under  their  own  bold  colonial  leader,  Marin. 

53 


PONTEACH :    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

dispatched  Stark  along  the  bank  to  cut  off  its  progress, 
and  himself  prepared  to  sally  out  to  intercept  it  in  the 
rear.  But  even  as  he  watched,  eight  or  ten  more  sleds 
emerged  from  cover,  and  pursued  the  track  of  the  first. 
In  hot  haste  he  sent  a  messenger  to  warn  his  lieutenant 
not  to  show  himself,  but  it  was  too  late.  Already  Stark 
was  upon  the  ice,  and  the  whole  train  had  taken  alarm 
and  turned  in  galloping  flight  back  toward  Ticonde- 
roga.  By  a  quick  pursuit  the  rangers  captured  three 
of  the  sledges  with  seven  men,  but  the  rest,  with  their 
drivers  and  guards,  escaped.  The  prisoners  were  Lan- 
guedoc  Frenchmen,  and  when  interrogated,  revealed  an 
alarming  state  of  affairs.  At  Ticonderoga  there  lay  be 
tween  the  rangers  and  Fort  William-Henry  —  besides 
three  hundred  and  fifty  regular  troops  —  three  hundred 
fresh  Canadians  and  Indians,  spoiling  for  a  fight,  and 
prepared  to  march  upon  an  instant's  notice.  Rogers 
perceived  that  the  fugitives  would  give  the  alarm 
within  the  hour,  and  that  only  decisive  measures  and 
the  best  of  luck  could  save  his  command  from  total 
extinction. 

He  instantly  ordered  his  men  to  return  on  the 
double-quick  to  their  bivouac  of  the  previous  night, 
and  there  rekindle  their  fires  to  dry  their  guns  for  battle. 
Midday  was  past  before  they  had  completed  this  opera 
tion,  and  they  at  once  set  out  southward,  pushing  their 
way  through  the  dripping  foliage,  over  snowy,  broken 
ground.  In  this  manner  they  advanced  half  a  mile,  and 
then  commenced  the  ascent  of  a  steep  hill,  even  more 
densely  wooded  than  its  neighbors.  As  their  foremost 
men  were  but  five  yards  from  the  summit,  a  furious 
volley  blazed  forth  from  the  guns  of  more  than  two 
hundred  of  the  enemy,  arranged  in  a  semi-circle  along 
the  ridge  above.  Two  men  were  killed  on  the  spot 
and  others  wounded;  among  the  latter  Rogers  himself, 

54 


PARTISAN  ENGAGEMENTS 

whose  scalp  was  grazed  by  a  bullet.  The  rangers, 
immediately  returning  the  fire,  gave  way  in  some  dis 
order,  and  were  hotly  pursued  by  the  enemy  to  the 
opposite  crest.  Here  they  made  a  stubborn  stand, 
finally  beating  back  their  assailants  for  the  moment, 
and  gaining  time  to  ensconce  themselves  for  a  deter 
mined  resistance.  Twice  the  Canadians  attempted  to 
dislodge  them  by  a  flank  attack,  and  repeatedly  they 
advanced  in  force  from  the  front;  but  having  the 
advantage  of  the  ground,  and  sheltered  by  large  trees, 
the  English  stood  firm  and  did  heavy  execution.  As 
the  drizzly  afternoon  closed  in  an  early  dusk,  Rogers 
received  a  ball  through  his  hand  and  wrist.  One  of  the 
lieutenants  bound  the  wound  with  the  ribbon  of  his 
queue,  however,  and  the  captain,  although  disabled 
from  loading  his  gun,  continued  to  encourage  his  men. 
The  French  tried  threats  and  cajolery,  as  well  as  force, 
to  pursuade  the  English  to  surrrender,  and  calling 
Rogers  by  name,  repeatedly  gave  him  "  the  strongest 
assurancevS  of  their  esteem  and  friendship."  A  constant 
fire  was  nevertheless  maintained  until  darkness  shut 
down,  when  the  rangers  were  enabled  to  creep  away, 
and  furtively  make  off  homeward.1  They  had  lost  four 
teen  killed,  and  twelve  wounded  or  missing,  but  had 
inflicted  far  more  serious  injury  upon  the  French. 

It  was  this  smart  little  battle,  capping  so  bold  and 
creditable  a  dash,  that  first  really  spread  abroad  the 
reputation  of  Rogers.  The  commander-in-chief,  Aber- 

1  Captain  Spikeman  was  killed  in  this  action,  and  it  is  stated  by  Caleb  Stark 
{Memoir  if  Gen.  John  Stark,  Concord,  1860)  that  Rogers  was  twice  wounded. 
He  also  gives  (p.  18)  the  story  of  the  heroic  retreat.  "  By  marching  all  night, 
they  reached  Lake  George  at  eight  o'clock  next  morning.  The  wounded,  who, 
during  the  march,  had  kept  up  their  spirits,  were  by  that  time  so  overcome  with 
cold,  fatigue,  and  loss  of  blood  that  they  could  march  no  farther.  It  became, 
therefore,  necessary  to  forward  a  notice  to  the  fort,  that  sleighs  might  be  sent  for 
them.  Lieut.  Stark  volunteered  for  this  purpose,  and,  by  undergoing  extraordinary 
fatigues,  reached  Fort  William  Henry,  distant  forty  miles,  the  next  evening." 

55 


PONTEACH  :    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

crombie,  sent  him  his  especial  thanks,  and  strongly 
commended  his  merits  to  Lord  Loudon.  Abercrombie's 
nephew,  who  had  accompanied  Rogers  upon  a  short 
expedition,  and  apparently  conceived  a  personal  esteem 
for  him,  wrote  him  from  Albany  that  "you  cannot 
imagine  how  all  ranks  of  people  here  are  pleased  with 
your  conduct  and  your  men's  behaviour."  Every  news 
letter  of  the  time  mentioned  the  affair  with  commen 
dation,  and  coupled  with  accounts  of  his  former  dashes, 
the  story  went  east  and  west. 

The  second  engagement,  which  occurred  more  than 
a  year  after,  did  not  have  so  happy  an  issue.  For 
some  months  Rogers  had  been  confined  to  the  fort 
by  his  wound  and  by  an  attack  of  the  smallpox,  a 
general  epidemic  of  which  more  than  decimated  his 
troops,  and  carried  off  his  brother  Richard.  He  was 
then  marched  to  Albany,  and  embarked  for  Halifax, 
where  —  until  the  expedition  then  on  foot  against 
Louisbourg  was  abandoned  —  his  forces  were  broken 
into  scouting  columns,  gangs  of  haymakers,  and  press- 
gangs  in  pursuit  of  deserters.  In  early  autumn  he  and 
his  depleted  companies  were  remanded  to  Fort  Edward, 
for  William-Henry  had  been  captured  and  destroyed 
during  his  absence  by  Montcalm.  He  was  engaged 
during  the  winter  in  training  fresh  recruits,  and  no 
noteworthy  expedition  took  place  until  March,  1758. 
On  March  10,  however,  he  was  ordered  to  Ticon- 
deroga,  with  but  180  men,  although  he  had  asked  for 
more  and  considered  double  the  number  necessary. 
The  French  fort  at  this  moment  contained  four  hun 
dred  regular  soldiers,  while  near  it  lay  a  large  body  of 
Indians  and  Canadians;  and  through  the  recent  escape 
of  a  deserter  to  their  ranks,  the  enemy  were  upon  the 
qui  vive  for  Rogers'  approach.  For  two  days  his  men 
streamed  silently  through  the  frozen  forest,  over  sev- 


PARTISAN  ENGAGEMENTS 

eral  feet  of  snow,  and  by  the  ni^ht  of  the  eleventh 
were  upon  the  narrows  of  Lake  George.  Here  they 
bivouacked,  keeping  sentries  far  out  through  the  gloom 
of  the  woods,  and  patrolling  the  neighboring  portions 
of  the  lake.  The  next  day  they  pushed  on  upon  skates, 
alarmed  once  by  a  dog  trotting  far  out  upon  the  ice, 
and  again  near  dusk  by  some  phosphorescent  patches 
of  rotten  wood  on  the  shore,  which  they  mistook  for 
hostile  campfires.  On  the  thirteenth  they  found  them 
selves  in  territory  distinctly  French,  and  exchanged  the 
cold  lake  for  the  secret,  hushed  heart  of  the  wilderness. 
Travelling  upon  snowshoes,  they  kept  on  along  the 
crest  of  a  line  of  ridges  which  overlooked  the  advanced 
camps  of  the  main  French  army  at  Ticonderoga,  and 
by  noon  had  'reached  a  point  west  of  Bald  Mountain, 
near  the  bold  promontory  now  called  Rogers'  rock. 
Here  thev  refreshed  themselves  until  three,  and  then 
again  set  off  over  ground  so  rough  and  rocky  that  for 
ease  in  walking  they  kept  near  the  bed  of  a  small 
rivulet.  To  the  right  rose  the  steep  promontory  that 
overlooked  the  lake,  and  all  about  the  naked,  icy  waste, 
the  tops  of  the  highest  bushes  peeping  from  beneath 
four  feet  of  snow. 

Within  an  hour  the  advance  guard  came  running 
back  with  the  information  that  a  hundred  Indians 
were  approaching  upon  the  ice  of  the  brook.  Rogers 
immediately  drew  up  his  men  under  cover,  their  guns 
commanding  the  bed  of  the  stream,  and  their  backs  to 
the  hill;  and  when  the  foremost  rank  of  the  incautious 
enemy  arrived  opposite  his  center,  gave  the  order  to 
fire.  Half  the  Indians  were  killed  on  the  spot,  and  as 
the  rest  fled  in  confusion,  Rogers,  believing  this  troop 
their  main  body,  gave  the  order  for  a  pursuit.  He 
was  rudely  surprised.  As  the  dashing  rangers  poured 
along  the  stream  they  were  met  by  a  fresh  array  of 

_JL7 


PONTEACH :   OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

several  hundred  more  Canadians  and  savages,  with 
some  French  officers  commanding.  Fifty  of  the  Eng 
lish  were  shot  down,  and  the  rest  driven  back  in  dis 
order,  a  yelling,  nring  mob  at  their  heels.  With  his 
accustomed  expedition  Rogers  rallied  his  men,  and 
formed  them  upon  the  steep  slope  to  their  right. 
Twice  he  repulsed  his  assailants  with  severe  loss,  and 
twice  they  returned  to  the  attack,  reducing  each  time 
the  number  of  defenders.  The  third  assault  continued 
for  an  hour  and  a  half,  during  which  time  the  com 
mixed  enemy  were  never  twenty  yards  from  the 
rangers,  and  often  intermingled  with  them  and  fought 
hand  to  hand.  Until  near  sunset  the  uproar  of  firing 
and  war-whoops  continued,  by  which  time  more  than 
a  hundred  of  Rogers'  men  lay  dead  or  badly  wounded 
in  the  snow,  and  a  flanking  guard,  which  he  had 
stationed  on  a  neighboring  hill,  had  surrendered.  The 
Indians  were  on  the  point  of  gaining  the  heights  in 
the  rear,  and  as  the  sun  sank  Rogers,  with  twenty 
survivors,  made  up  the  steep  and  escaped  to  the  south 
east.  Tradition  relates  that  the  chagrined  commander, 
having  fallen  behind  his  men  to  fire  a  parting  shot, 
escaped  only  by  reversing  his  snowshoes  and  sliding 
down  the  steep  descent  of  the  mountain  five  hundred 
feet  to  the  lake;  and  that  the  Indians,  considering  this 
wonderful  feat  significant  of  the  interposition  of  the 
Great  Spirit,  at  once  gave  up  further  pursuit. 

In  this  fight,  Rogers  lost  130  of  his  180  men;  none 
of  the  wounded  escaped,  for  the  savages  either  des 
patched  them  on  the  spot,  or  left  them  to  perish  from 
exposure.  He  states  that  for  his  part  he  killed  150 
and  wounded  as  many  more;  but  at  best  the  action 
was  but  a  sorry  affair  for  the  English.  The  major 
was  inclined  to  place  the  blame  for  the  "unfortunate 
scout"  upon  the  shoulders  of  Colonel  Haviland,  who, 

58 


HARDSHIPS  AND  DIFFICULTIES 

"doubtless  with  reason,  doubtless  with  ability  to  vindi 
cate  his  conduct,"  sent  him  forth  with  such  an  "in 
comprehensibly  reduced  party."  "  What  we  should 
have  done  had  we  been  400  or  more  strong  I  will 
not  pretend  to  determine,"  he  concludes  his  account 
of  the  defeat.  There  can  be  but  little  doubt  that 
Haviland  erred  in.  allowing  him  so  small  a  command, 
and  that  thereby  he  was  responsible  in  major  part 
for  the  disaster ;  but .  even  Rogers'  account  does  not 
attempt  to  disguise  the  fact  that  for  once,  at  the 
moment  of  the  attack,  he  was  wanting  in  judgment 
and  caution. 

Lesser  incidents  indicative  of  the  daring  impassivity 
of  the  rangers  in  the  face  of  danger,  of  their  uncom 
plaining  endurance  of  extreme  hardship,  and  of  other 
characteristics  reaching  from  the  merely  picturesque  to 
the  grimly  or  naively  humorous,  lie  thickly  sown 
through  the  pages  of  the  Journals.  To  enumerate 
them  would  be  impossible.  Such  words  as  these  taken 
from  the  very  first  pages  of  Rogers'  record,  may  well 
represent  a  whole  chapter  of  suffering  and  weariness. 

"  We  approached  very  near  their  fort  by  night,  and  were 
driven  by  the  cold  (now  very  severe)  to  take  shelter  in  one 
of  their  evacuated  huts ;  before  day  there  was  a  fall  of  snow 
which  obliged  us,  with  all  possible  speed,  to  march  homeward. 
After  being  almost  exhausted  with  hunger,  cold,  and  fatigue, 
we  had  the  good  fortune  to  kill  two  deer  for  refreshment." 

In  March,  1759,  during  a  period  of  excessive  cold, 
twenty-three  of  Rogers'  scouts  were  frostbitten  and 
were  perforce  sent  back  exhausted,  "under  the  charge 
of  a  careful  sergent";  but  the  main  body,  almost  over 
come  at  times,  pushed  on,  two  thirds  of  them  with 
frozen  feet,  till  the  object  of  their  expedition  was 
attained.  Again  and  again  they  slept  unprotected  in 
the  most  inclement  weather,  forbidden  by  caution  to 

59 


PONTEACH :   OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

kindle  a  fire,  by  expediency  in  marching  to  carry 
blankets.  Twice  during  his  campaigns  his  men  were 
overtaken  upon  Champlain  by  sudden  squalls,  and 
once  a  single  craft  was  overturned  and  its  occupants 
drowned.  Scarcely  one  of  his  scores  of  raids  was  per 
formed  without  fatigue,  pain,  and  loss  of  life,  and,  often 
as  his  achievements  were  spectacular,  still  oftener  they 
were  the  result  merely  of  obscure,  persevering  labor, 
and  were  bought  by  a  triumph  over  difficulties  which 
less  hardened  soldiers  would  have  deemed  insuperable. 
Some  of  the  more  notable  events  cannot  be  omitted. 
On  October  21,  1755,  Rogers  and  his  squad  lay  all 
night  within  three  hundred  yards  of  Crown  Point ; 
and  at  daybreak,  as  the  bugles  blew  from  the  parapets, 
he  advanced  alone  much  nearer,  wriggling  along  be 
hind  fresh  bushes  which  he  held  upright  in  his  hands. 
So  many  soldiers  came  out  that  he  lay  as  if  petrified, 
until  one  approached  so  near  that  he  had  to  kill  him 
with  his  fusee,  and  hurriedly  dash  back  into  the  forest. 
In  October,  1757,  he  tried  to  take  a  prisoner  near 
Ticonderoga,  but  unsuccessfully;  until  he  marched  his 
men  boldly  down  the  fort's  road  upon  a  sentry,  hailed 
him  in  French,  and  spirited  him  away,  "cutting  his 
breeches  and  coat  from  him  that  he  might  march  with 
the  greater  ease  and  expedition."  In  midsummer  of 
1756,  again,  on  nights  all  too  moonlit  and  calm  for  his 
purpose,  he  took  fifty  men  in  five  whaleboats  down 
Lake  Champlain,  and  passed  with  muffled  oars  under 
the  very  walls  of  Ticonderoga  and  Crown  Point,  so 
close  that  they  "heard  the  voices  of  the  sentinel  calling 
the  watchword."  During  the  day  they  lurked  beneath 
drooping  branches  in  the  shadow  of  the  shore,  with 
bateaux  passing  and  repassing  on  the  hot,  gleaming 
expanse,  and  even  landing  noisily  near  them.  When 
the  whaleboats,  abandoned  later  in  the  year,  were  dis- 

60 


THE  DEFEAT  OF  ABERCROMBIE 

covered  at  the  head  of  Lake  Champlain,  Bougainville, 
the  astounded  French  commander,  propounded  five 
different  hypotheses  for  their  being  there.  It  was  this 
same  party  who  in  June  boarded  and  captured  a 
schooner  of  forty  tons  bound  for  Canada,  guarded  by 
two  lighters;  and  as  Rogers  honestly  confesses,  "we 
sunk  and  destroyed  their  vessels  and  cargoes,  which 
consisted  chiefly  of  wheat  and  flour,  wine  and  brandy; 
some  few  casks  of  the  latter  we  carefully  concealed/' 
In  the  closing  years  of  the  war,  Rogers  and  his  now 
large  command  played  a  not  insignificant  part.1  Early 
in  1758  Loudon  was  succeeded  by  Abercrombie,  and 
the  final  active  campaigns  were  set  on  foot.  By  the 
end  of  July  the  fortress  of  Louisbourg  was  in  the  hands 
of  the  English;  by  the  end  of  August,  Fort  Frontenac; 
by  the  end  of  November,  Fort  Duquesne.  Meanwhile 
Abercrombie  at  Fort  Edward  had  ordered  Rogers  to 
muster  his  eight  companies  before  June  10,  and  was 
himself  engaged  in  bringing  his  whole  army  up  to 
Lake  George.  By  June  28  he  and  Lord  Howe  had 
16,000  men  encamped  upon  the  site  of  Fort  William- 
Henry,  and  on  July  5  embarked  them  in  bateaux  for 
Ticonderoga.  Rogers  had  spent  the  preceding  month, 
with  fifty  rangers,  in  scouting  over  the  ground  which 
the  new  movement  was  intended  to  conquer;  and  at 
the  moment  of  embarkation  he  had  secured  complete 
new  plans  of  the  fort  and  the  Indian  encampment  at 
Ticonderoga,  and  maps  of  the  country  at  the  foot  of 
Lake  George  and  the  head  of  Lake  Champlain,  with 
the  intervening  portage.  When  the  army  moved  for 
ward  toward  the  most  important  grapple  of  the  year, 
one  which  was  expected  to  crush  the  French  center 
and  destroy  Montcalm's  main  force,  he  had  his  six 
hundred  men  all  in  readiness.  In  Abercrombie's  ad- 

1  Rogers'  Journals,  p.   108  ff. 

6l 


PONTEACH :   OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

vance,  his  ill-judged  and  disastrous  attack  upon  Mont- 
calm's  strongly  entrenched  position,  and  his  humiliating 
retreat,  Rogers'  corps  held  a  prominent  and  honorable 
position.  Like  many  others,  the  young  major  has  left 
his  testimony  to  the  bravery  of  the  scene  as,  on  a  fair 
July  morning,  with  music,  flags,  the  glitter  of  arms, 
the  parade  of  bright  uniforms,  and  the  flash  of  oars, 
the  whole  army  moved  down  the  sparkling,  mountain- 
circled  breast  of  Lake  George.  His  corps  held  its 
place  on  the  left  of  the  army  throughout  the  day  and 
night,  and  when  early  in  the  morning  the  flotilla 
reached  a  point  near  the  foot  of  the  lake,  he  and 
Howe  went  on  together  to  reconnoitre  a  landing. 
When  the  army  had  been  safely  disembarked,  and 
had  commenced  its  march  toward  the  head  of  Lake 
Champlain,  his  rangers  again  constituted  the  advance 
guard,  leading  the  way  through  the  mazes  of  the 
forest;  and  as  such  they  aided  in  the  destruction  of  a 
venturesome  squadron  of  the  French,  which,  after 
killing  Lord  Howe,  had  been  caught  between  the 
leading  columns  of  the  English  army.  The  next  day 
Abercrombie  pushed  steadily  on  toward  the  head  of 
Lake  Champlain,  where  lay  the  main  army  of  the 
enemy,  only  3500  strong.  On  the  morrow,  July 
eighth,  Rogers  was  ordered  at  sunrise  to  beat  the 
French  within  the  breastworks  and  abattis  which 
Montcalm  had  thrown  up  across  the  rocky  promontory 
of  Ticonderoga.  "The  line  followed  the  top  of  a 
ridge,  along  which  it  zig-zagged  in  such  a  manner 
thai  the  whole  front  could  be  swept  by  flank-fires  of 
musketry  and  grape.  From  its  central  part  the  ground 
sloped  away  like  a  natural  glacis;  while  at  the  sides  it 
was  undulating  and  broken.  Over  this  whole  space,  to 
the  distance  of  a  musket-shot  from  the  works,  the  forest 
was  cut  down,  and  the  trees  left  lying  where  they  fell, 

62 


THE  DEFEAT  OF  ABERCROMBIE 

with  tops  turned  outward,  forming  one  vast  abattis,  like 
a  forest  laid  flat  by  a  hurricane.  But  the  most  formid 
able  obstruction  was  immediately  along  the  front  of  the 
breastwork,  where  the  ground  was  covered  with  heavy 
boughs,  overlapping  and  interlaced,  with  sharpened 
points  bristling  into  the  face  of  the  assailants  like  the 
quills  of  a  porcupine."1  It  was  behind  these  works  that 
Rogers,  with  the  assistance  of  several  provincial  regi 
ments,  drove  the  French  pickets;  his  men  and  the 
other  colonials  then  lay  down  in  detachments,  through 
the  intervals  between  which  the  regulars  advanced  sto 
lidly  to  the  assault.  Beyond  all  doubt  it  was  fortunate 
for  him  that,  having  opened  that  hopeless  charge,  he 
was  forced  to  lie  and  watch  the  ranks  of  his  compa 
triots  shattered  and  swept  away  by  the  withering  fire 
the  French  poured  into  the  military  clearing.  The 
full  body  of  the  British  grenadiers  was  sent  forward  to 
storm  the  impregnable  works  before  the  provincials 
were  allowed  to  support  them;  and  not  for  a  full  hour 
could  he  have  entered  the  tangled  arena  swept  by  the 
bullets  of  the  enemy.  Of  his  part  in  the  dreadful  car 
nage  of  the  later  afternoon  we  know  little.  "We  toiled 
with  repeated  attacks  for  four  hours,"  a  he  writes,  and 
there  is  no  reason  to  doubt  that  his  men,  like  some  of 
their  provincial  comrades,  found  their  way  to  the  very 
foot  of  the  abattis.  When  at  seven  o'clock  the  battle 
closed  and  retreat  was  ordered,  the  general  directed  him 
to  bring  up  the  rear  as  the  broken  army  fell  back  to  its 
starting-point  below  Lake  George. 

Within  two  days  of  the  battle  Rogers'  ranging  ser 
vice  commenced  afresh,  for  his  defeated  commander 
was  anxious  to  learn  the  state  in  which  Montcalm's 
army  lay  at  the  opposite  end  of  the  lake;  after  a  time, 

1  Parkman,  Montcalm  and  Wolfe,  II,  306. 
3  Rogers'  Journals,  p.  1 1 6  ff. 

63 


PONTEACH :    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

moreover,  it  became  necessary  to  check  the  war  parties 
which  the  French  were  constantly  sending  out  to  harass 
Abercrombie's  communications  with  Fort  Edward.1  A 
Canadian  partisan  corps,  organized  by  Marin  in  imita 
tion  of  the  rangers,  was  especially  active,  and  in  two 
excursions  within  ten  days  killed  150  English  soldiers 
engaged  in  convoying  wagons  through  the  woods. 
Enraged  at  the  repetition  of  these  attacks,  Abercrombie 
sent  off  Rogers  with  his  rangers,  Israel  Putnam  with 
some  provincials,  and  Captain  Dalyell  with  a  number 
of  regulars,  in  pursuit  toward  the  eastern  extremity  of 
Lake  Champlain.  For  eight  days  they  explored  the 
basking  August  woods  unsuccessfully;  until  in  their 
return,  having  passed  the  night  on  the  high  cleared 
land  where  stood  old  Fort  Anne,  a  crumbling  survival 
of  former  wars,  they  prepared  in  the  morning  to  strike 
camp  and  march  in  home.  They  were  south  and  east 
of  the  main  English  force,  and  in  their  whole  recent 
march  had  seen  no  signs  of  the  proximity  of  French 
or  Indians;  so  that,  forgetting  the  caution  which  had 
heretofore  led  him  to  enjoin  the  strictest  silence  upon 
his  men,  Rogers  banteringly  challenged  Putnam  to  a 
contest  of  markmanship,  and  cut  a  rude  bulls-eye  upon 
a  neighboring  tree.  Mann's  corps  of  Canadians  and 
Indians  heard  the  shots,  and  at  once  took  steps  to  sur 
prise  their  reckless  enemies.  A  thick-starting,  heavily 
tangled  and  interlaced  growth  of  shrubbery  covered  the 
long  glacis  about  the  old  fort,  and  was  penetrated  only 
by  a  winding,  gently  sloping  path.  As  the  mixed  Eng 
lish  columns  of  scouts,  regulars,  and  provincials  issued 
in  single  file  down  this  still  dewy  lane  and  out  into 
the  forest  beyond,  they  were  met  by  the  concentrated 
fire  of  500  men,  lying  in  a  semicircle  about  its  head. 
For  a  moment  all  was  confusion;  Putnam,  leading  the 

1  Rogers'  Journals,  p.   I  1  7  ff. 

64 


FINAL  SERVICES  ON  LAKE  GEORGE 

men,  was  jerked  into  the  lines  of  the  enemy  and  taken 
prisoner ;  the  advance  guard,  left  without  a  commander, 
first  recoiled  upon  Itself  and  then  dropped  behind  bushes 
to  answer  with  a  weak,  scattering  fire.  Rogers  and 
Dalyell,  in  the  extreme  rear,  struggled  hurriedly  for 
ward  through  the  brush  to  rally  their  men;  and  before 
the  sun  had  mounted  a  half-hour  had  them  replying 
spiritedly  and  steadily  to  their  opponents.  Four  of 
Marin's  successive  attacks  were  repulsed,  and  in  an 
hour  his  ranks  were  so  broken  that  he  was  glad  to 
allow  his  men  to  scatter  back  into  the  forest.  After 
burying  his  own  dead,  Rogers  pursued  his  way  un 
molested  to  Fort  Edward.  He  was  universally  praised 
for  his  coolness  and  bravery,  and  a  week  later  the 
general-in-chief,  anxious  to  report  even  small  successes, 
wrote  to  Pitt  that  "  Rogers  deserves  much  to  be  com 
mended."  The  engagement  was  widely  reported  in  col 
onial  gazettes  and  newspapers. 

In  the  final  successful  movements  of  the  next  year 
against  Crown  Point,Ticonderoga,  and  Montreal,  Rogers 
assumed  only  the  role  of  commander  of  an  advance 
guard  and  force  of  picket-scouts.  In  June  and  July  of 
1759,  Gage  and  Amherst,  the  latter  the  new  com- 
mander-in-chief,  moved  down  Lake  George  with  a 
force  so  strong  that  it  required  all  the  ranger's  700 
men  to  serve  as  a  screen,  and  as  guides  through  the 
various  forest  roads.  In  besieging  Ticonderoga  Amherst 
drew  a  lesson  from  Abercrombie's  failure  of  the  preced 
ing  year,  and  brought  up  his  heavy  cannon  to  blow  its 
protecting  redoubts  to  pieces.  On  the  night  of  July  22 
the  French,  preparing  to  evacuate  their  indefensible 
position,  left  a  match  burning  in  the  magazine,  and 
took  to  their  boats  with  all  their  stores.  At  this  hour 
Rogers  happened  to  have  sixty  of  his  rangers  in  three 
bateaux  upon  the  lake,  where  his  men  were  making  a 

65 


PONTEACH :    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

nocturnal  attempt  to  saw  through  a  boom  of  timbers 
which  had  been  thrown  out  below  the  fort,  and  which 
prevented  the  English  boats  from  passing  by  to  cut  off 
the  French  retreat.  He  had  scarce  reached  the  boom 
when,  with  a  loud  reverberation,  the  soft  summer  night 
was  lit  up  by  the  flaring  explosion  of  the  fort's  maga 
zine.  Hastily  he  drew  his  boats  alongside  the-floa4ing 
timbers,  and  opened  fire  upon  the  enemy,  with  such 
successes  to  drive  ten  of  their  most  heavily  laden  craft 
ashore.1  Three  days  later  a  party  of  his  scouts  brought 
back  news  of  the  desertion  and  dismantling  of  Crown 
Point. 

Two  main  services  of  the  war  remained  to  be  per 
formed  by  Rogers, —  the  destruction  of  the  St.  Francis 
Indians  and  the  reception  of  the  surrender  of  the  west 
ern  posts.  For  the  first  the  whole  frontier  breathed  its 
relieved  thanks.  During  three  quarters  of  a  century 
the  Abenaki,  Pennacook,  and  shreds  of  other  tribes 
which  dwelt  near  the  junction  of  the  St.  Francis  and 
St.  Lawrence,  Catholic  but  still  savage,  had  been  the 
scourge  of  the  New  England  border.  Rogers  as  a  boy 
had  known  the  horror  of  their  raids,  for  it  was  one  of 
their  parties  which  had  burned  his  father's  home;  and 
now,  partly  by  reason  of  the  long  hatred  of  the  colonists 
for  them,  partly  for  their  recent  violation  of  the  rights 
of  a  party  of  truce,  they  were  singled  out  to  feel  the 
specific  anger  of  the  victorious  British.8  In  September 
Amherst  gave  Rogers  two  hundred  men,  and  ordered 
him  to  "take  revenge  for  the  infamous  cruelties  and 
barbarities  of  the  Indian  scoundrels " ;  a  command 
which  he  prepared  to  obey  with  the  more  alacrity  that 
to  his  "own  knowledge,  in  six  years  time  they  had 
carried  into  captivity  and  murdered  400  persons."  In 

1  Rogers'  Journals,  p.   144  ft*. 
a  Rogers'  Journals,  p.   144  ff. 

66 


THE  ST.  FRANCIS  EXPEDITION 

whaleboats  he  slipped  down  Lake  Champlain  to  its 
north  end,  eluding  the  French  sloops  still  patrolling 
those  waters;  and,  hiding  his  craft  in  Missiquoi  Bay, 
where  he  left  two  friendly  Indians  to  guard  them, 
struck  out  on  the  long  overland  journey  toward  St. 
Francis.  On  the  evening  of  the  second  day  the  two 
-Indians  ran- panting  into  _camp  with  the  startling  news 
that  four  hundred  French  had  disco veredTi is  boats  and 
were  in  ardent  pursuit.  His  party's  retreat  by  water 
was  cut  off,  all  their  provisions  lost,  and  they  were 
faced  by  the  fearful  certainty  that  other  alarmed  bands 
and  troops  would  at  once  be  out  to  intercept  their  path. 
With  characteristic  decision  Rogers  cut  the  knot  of 
his  difficulties,  and  determined  to  outmarch  his  pur 
suers,  destroy  the  village  before  help  could  arrive,  and 
return  south  by  a  hasty  dash  to  Cohase  Intervales  and  a 
voyage  down  the  Connecticut.  Accordingly  he  de 
spatched  an  officer  back  through  the  forest  to  Crown 
Point  to  ask  Amherst  to  send  a  relief  party  up  the  river 
to  meet  him,  and  set  out  northeast  by  forced  marches. 
The  way  for  the  most  part  traversed  limitless  spruce 
swamps,  so  wet  that  his  men  splashed  for  hour  after 
hour  through  a  foot  of  water,  and  that  to  snatch  a  few 
hours  sleep  at  night  they  had  to  lie  among  the  tops  of 
hastily  felled  trees;  but  for  nine  days  they  hurried  on 
with  almost  delirious  energy.  At  the  end  of  that  time, 
fording  the  swift,  deep  St.  Francis  river  with  the  great 
est  peril,  they  found  themselves  within  a  few  miles  of 
the  town.  As  dusk  fell  Rogers  watched  its  darkening 
streets  from  a  treetop,  and  later  crept  to  its  borders 
upon  his  hands  and  knees,  finding  the  unsuspecting 
savages  deep  in  the  celebration  of  a  marriage  with 
dancing  and  feasting.  In  the  dark  hours  immediately 
preceding  dawn  the  next  day  his  men  took  the  village 
completely  by  surprise.  With  a  fury  fed  by  the  sight 

67 


PONTEACH:    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

of  six  hundred  English  scalps  festooning  the  doorways 
of  the  houses,  they  killed  -the  two  hundred  warriors  of 
the  place,  drove  the  women  and  children  into  the 
woods,  and  burned  everything  except  three  granaries 
of  maize.  Five  white  captives  were  retaken. 

Post-haste  now  Rogers  set  out  for  the  Connecticut; 
for  having  examined  several  prisoners  while  his  men, 
were  loading  themselves  with  such  provisions  as  the 
smoking  ruins  afforded,  he  learned  that  the  two  large 
bodies  of  French  and  Indians  were  lying  in  wait  for 
him  near-by,  still  uncertain  of  his  movements.  The 
return  trip  was  a  sustained  nightmare.  For  eight  days 
he  hurried  his  men  up  the  St.  Francis,  past  its  head 
waters,  and  on  to  Lake  Memphremagog.  Here  their 
carefully  husbanded  supply  of  food  was  utterly  ex 
hausted,  and  that  they  might  better  subsist  on  the  coun 
try  through  which  they  passed,  he  separated  his  men 
into  small  detachments.  Within  two  days  some  of  his 
force  were  shot  by  the  pursuing  Canadians,  while  the 
rest,  killing  an  occasional  squirrel  or  partridge,  or  living 
on  ground-nuts  or  lily-roots,  toiled  on  toward  the 
Connecticut.  The  French  still  hung  upon  their  rear, 
slaying  and  capturing  in  all  fifty  men.  The  members 
of  two  of  the  bands,  almost  insane  from  hunger,  fell 
upon  the  bodies  of  their  comrades  and  ate  them.  Those 
that  finally  reached  the  Connecticut,  however,  were 
followed  no  more,  and,  gathering  again  in  a  single  party, 
dizzy  with  weakness,  struggled  on  down  its  banks  to 
the  mouth  of  the  Amonsook.  Here  they  looked  con 
fidently  for  the  succor  and  provisions  for  which  Rogers 
had  sent  to  Amherst;  but  they  were  rudely  disappointed. 

The  forest  glades  were  empty,  except  for  a  fresh  fire 
burning  brightly  amid  the  signs  of  a  recent  camp; 
their  comrades  had  come,  had  waited,  and  were  just 
gone.  "Our  distress,"  says  Rogers,  "our  grief  and  con- 

68 


RANGING  ON  THE  ST.  LAWRENCE 

sternation,  were  truly  inexpressible.  After  so  many 
days'  weary  march  over  steep,  rocky  mountains,  or 
through  wet,  dirty  swamps  —  after  such  expectation  that 
we  should  find  our  distresses  alleviated — our  spirits, 
depressed  by  the  hunger  and  fatigues  we  had  suffered, 
entirely  sank  within  us,  for  we  saw  no  hope  that  we 
should  escape  a  miserable  death  by  famine/'  His  own 
indomitable  energy  alone  remained  unshaken,  and  with 
two  of  his  strongest  comrades  he  made  a  raft  and 
pushed  on,  engaging  .  to  return  help  within  ten  days. 
The  current  carried  them  down  with  perilous  swiftness, 
and  they  tried  to  steady  their  wretched  craft  with 
branches  of  trees  improvised  as  paddles.  When  it  was 
finally  lost  over  White  River  Falls,  the  requisite  distance 
but  half  covered,  they  were  too  weak  to  wield  the  axe 
in  constructing  another,  and  so  burnt  trees  down  and 
to  the  proper  length,  lashing  the  logs  together  with 
grapevine.  A  day  later  they  again  approached  the  roar 
of  a  waterfall — this  time  the  Wattockquitchey ;  the 
desperate  Rogers  went  below,  swam  into  the  rapids, 
and  caught  the  second  precious  raft  as  it  came  over, 
for  they  were  too  far  spent  to  build  a  third.  By  great 
good  fortune  they  next  day  killed  a  partridge,  and, 
thus  strengthened,  finally  reached  the  first  military  post 
on  that  long,  lonely  river,  and  sent  back  aid  to  their 
starving  friends. 

In  Amherst's  final  summer  advance  upon  Montreal 
from  Crown  Point,  Rogers  participated,  first  scouting 
over  the  country  to  glean  general  information,  and  later, 
in  an  unsuccessful  attempt  to  surprise  St.  John's,  a  small 
fort  just  above  the  foot  of  Lake  Champlain,  taking  the 
minor  post  of  St.  d'Estrese  in  the  same  valley.  The 
enemy  were  carting  hay  here  into  the  stockade,  and  — 
watching  their  opportunity  —  his  men  dashed  from  the 
woods  and  followed  one  of  the  loads  through  before 

69 


PONTEACH:    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

the  heavy  gate  could  be  closed.  Later  he  was  with 
Haviland,  and  in  command  of  his  full  corps  of  600, 
when  the  evacuation  of  Isle  aux  Noix  was  forced,  and 
having  later  been  sent  to  subdue  the  valley  of  the 
Sorrel,  returned  in  time  to  witness  the  surrender  of 
Montreal,  September  8,  1760.  His  services  during 
these  final  months  carried  him  over  several  hundred 
miles  of  territory,  and  twice  won  for  him  stray  words 
of  commendation  from  Amherst. 

On  September  1 2  the  commander-in-chief  did  him 
the  honor  of  designating  him  as  the  officer  who  should 
receive  the  surrender  of  all  the  French  posts  along  the 
Great  Lakes,  an  arduous  task  which,  while  involving  no 
real  responsibility,  was  distinguished  in  that  it  elevated 
him  to  an  office  ambassadorial  in  nature.  With  two 
hundred  troops  he  set  out  on  the  thirteenth,  and,  de 
spite  the  obstacles  presented  by  great  distances,  rough 
roads,  and  bad  weather,  had  accomplished  his  duties  by 
December  first,  receiving  a  reluctant  submission  at  De 
troit  and  Shawneetown,  visiting  Niagara,  Fort  de  Boeuf, 
Fresqu'  Isle,  Venango,  and  Pittsburg,  apprising  the  still 
hostile  Indian  tribes  of  the  issue  of  the  conflict,  and 
everywhere  forcing  upon  the  unwilling  French  inhab 
itants  the  oath  of  allegiance.  The  larger  part  of  his 
journey  was  performed  in  whaleboats,  with  which  he 
ascended  the  St.  Lawrence,  passed  by  Niagara  Falls,  and 
skirted  the  southern  shores  of  Lake  Ontario,  while 
a  detachment  drove  cattle  for  provisions  along  the 
forested  bank.  A  projected  expedition  from  Detroit  to 
Mackinaw  failed  because  of  stormy  winds  and  the  piling 
up  of  ice-cakes  on  Lake  Huron.  The  fertile  and  varied 
landscape  of  the  regions  through  which  he  passed  was 
a  source  of  never-ending  interest  to  the  major;  and  at 
one  point  in  his  journey,  near  Presqu'  Isle,  he  met  the 
chief  Pontiac  —  of  whom  more  anon. 

70 


Ill 

Civil  Life  and  Marriage;  The  Cherokee  War;  Pontiac's  Rebellion} 
London  and  Literary  Ventures. 

On  February  14,  1761,  Rogers  arrived  alone  at  New 
York,  having  travelled  from  Detroit  to  Pittsburg  through 
the  rich,  trackless  forest  of  Ohio  and  eastern  Pennsyl 
vania,  following  the  shores  of  Lake  Sandusky  and  Erie, 
and  descending  the  Muskingum  River,  stopping  at  many 
Indian  villages — Wyandotte,  Iroquois,  and  Delaware  — 
along  the  way;  and  proceeding  from  Pittsburg  to  Phila 
delphia  by  way  of  the  common  road.  He  records  that 
he  was  greatly  fatigued  when  he  reached  Manhattan 
Island,  for  he  had  traveled  almost  continuously  since 
his  departure  from  Montreal  the  preceding  fall,  some 
times  covering  twenty  miles  of  rough,  heavily  timbered 
country,  or  paddling  over  a  great  extent  of  stormy 
water,  between  sunrise  and  dusk.1  His  duty  was  done, 
however,  and,  having  reported  the  fulfillment  of  his 
mission  at  headquarters,  he  obtained  an  indeterminate 
furlough,  without  either  surrendering  his  commission  or 
losing  his  liability  to  active  service.  He  was  compli 
mented  by  the  general  upon  his  ability  and  performances, 
and  received  the  indirect  praise  conveyed  by  instructions 
to  keep  ever  within  call,  lest  his  services  as  a  border 
commander  should  be  required.3  The  hour  was  a  bright 
one  for  the  major.  He  was  not  yet  thirty  years  old ;  he 
had  risen  against  many  obstacles  of  birth  and  education 
to  a  position  of  real  command  in  a  distinct  and  spectac- 

'  Rogers'  Journals,  p.  236. 

3  Dartmouth  Mts.t  Rogers  to  the  King,  March  13,  1775. 

7' 


PONTEACH :    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

ular  arm  of  the  service,  and  had  impressed  his  superiors, 
not  merely  American  but  English,  with  his  trustworthi 
ness  and  brilliancy  in  that  arm ;  his  fame  had  gone 
abroad  through  all  the  provinces  as  a  dashing,  bold,  and 
experienced  fighter.  He  had  the  consciousness  that,  as 
he  himself  boasted,  no  one  of  his  rank  had  "rendered 
such  essential  services  throughout  the  war," 'and  that 
whether  continued  peace  left  him  to  rest  upon  his 
laurels,  or  new  wars  offered  new  opportunities,  his  rep 
utation  was  for  the  time  secure.  Everywhere  he  went 
he  was  known,  stared  at,  and  sought  after,  for  every 
news  agency  for  five  years  had  rung  with  his  exploits; 
everywhere  he  was  introduced  and  referred  to  as  "the 
famous  Major  Rogers." 

His  first  concern  upon  being  placed  at  liberty  from 
the  restrictions  of  daily  duty  was  to  clear  up  certain 
troubling  financial  affairs.  The  preceding  year8  he  had 
sent  a  memorial  to  the  General  Court  of  Massachusetts, 
asking  ^850  arrears  of  pay  for  his  own  and  his  com 
pany's  service  during  the  winter  of  1755  —  56  at  Fort 
William-Henry.  This  pay,  already  a  source  of  vexatious 
and  expensive  law-suits  to  him,  had  been  heretofore  re 
fused  on  account  of  some  doubt  as  to  whether  he  was 
then  in  the  service  of  the  crown,  or  of  Governor  Shirley, 
or  Governor  Wentworth;  and  his  memorial  had  been 
referred  to  the  New  Hampshire  Assembly  for  a  decision. 
Immediately,  therefore,  he  proceeded  to  Portsmouth,  to 
urge  his  claim  before  the  provincial  assembly.  On 
June  5  the  legislature  read  his  memorial,  and  on 
June  27,  the  last  day  of  its  session,  Rogers,  equipped 
with  recommendations  from  Johnson  and  Amherst,3 
and  his  muster-rolls,  was  admitted  to  speak  in  his  own 

1  Dartmouth  Mis.t  Rogers  to  the  King,  March  13,  1775. 

a  March  9,  i  760. 

3  Johnson  Mss.t  24,  84. 

72 


RESIDENCE  AT  PORTSMOUTH 

favor*  When  he  finished  talking  it  was  after  noon;  the 
legislators  were  tired  and  hungry,  and  could  think  of 
nothing  but  that  the  hour  at  which  they  were  to  be 
prorogued  had  struck;  and  as  he  had  omitted  to  bring 
with  him  his  vouchers,  the  only  adequate  evidence  of 
his  rights,  he  was  called  into  the  chamber  and  told 
that  no  action  could  then  be  taken.1  Not  until  the  be 
ginning  of  1763,  two  years  later,  when  he  was  again 
free  to  appear  in  person  before  the  house,  did  he  re 
ceive  a  part  payment  of  two  hundred  and  thirty-five 
pounds." 

Meanwhile,  during  this  spring  and  summer,  a  more 
important  and  more  interestingly  personal  matter  was 
engrossing  his  attention.  When  he  had  returned  to  his 
native  colony  after  an  absence  of  six  years,  he  had  at 
once  taken  steps  to  renew  his  acquaintance,  under  his 
now  advantageous  circumstances,  with  the  best  families 
of  the  province.  He  was  received  with  especial  favor 
in  Portsmouth,  where  the  constant  reception  of  official 
reports  of  his  deeds  during  the  war  had  made  him  a 
figure  of  very  real  prominence;  and  was  undoubtedly 
given  an  entree  into  circles  which,  in  even  that  demo 
cratic  town,  would  before  have  disdained  him.  Among 
the  friendships  which  he  formed  was  one  with  the 
family  of  the  Reverend  Arthur  Browne,  the  most  re 
spected  and  best  obeyed  clergyman  in  the  capital,  then 
a  white  haired  but  still  sternly  erect  and  commanding 
figure  of  sixty-two,  entering  upon  his  twenty-sixth  year 
of  service  as  rector  of  Queen's  Chapel.3  He  was  the 
son  of  a  Scotch  veteran  of  the  battle  of  the  Boyne,  and, 
having  grown  up  in  Drogheda  and  Dublin  in  Ireland, 

1  New  Hampshire  Province  Papers,  VI,  790—794. 

*  Idem,  VI,  866. 

3  For  this  biographical  information  see  W.  B.  Sprague,  Annals  of  the  American 
Pulpit,  New  York,  1857-69,  V,  76;  C.  R.  Batchclder,  History  of  the  Eastern 
Diocese,  Claremont,  N.  H.,  1876,  Vol.  I,  p.  165  ff. 

73 


PONTEACH :   OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

had  received  his  degree  from  Trinity  College,  in  the 
latter  city,  in  1729.  Only  a  year  previously  Dean 
Berkeley  had  embarked  for  the  Bermudas  on  his  phil 
anthropic  project  of  establishing  a  circle  of  Protestant 
missions  to  convert  the  savage  western  world.  This 
half-philosophic,  half-evangelical  scheme  of  the  great 
prelate's  had  instilled  a  missionary  fire  into  the  brain  of 
the  young  man;  and  immediately  upon  his  ordination 
he  crossed  the  seas  to  take  charge  of  King's  Chapel  in 
Providence,  Rhode  Island,  whence  he  was  called  in  six 
years  to  Portsmouth.  He  was  broadly  educated,  though 
of  a  conservative  temper,  and,  despite  a  reputation  for 
austerity  and  even  harshness  of  mind,  especially  to 
wards  his  family  of  nine  children,  had  become  one 
of  the  most  influential  men  in  the  community.  He 
had  published  several  tracts  and  sermons,  notably  one 
on  The  Folly  and  Perjury  of  the  Rebellion  in  Scotland 
(1746).  In  the  Browne  home,  Rogers  met  and  fell  in 
love  with  the  youngest  daughter,  Elizabeth,  a  beauti 
ful  girl  of  nineteen,  and  into  this  domestic  circle  he 
determined  to  push  himself.  Apart  from  all  reasons  of 
sentiment,  he  could  have  taken  no  step  more  advan 
tageous.  He  had  no  fixed  abode,  and  marriage  would 
give  him  an  opportunity  to  establish  himself  perma 
nently  at  Portsmouth,  in  a  position  sociably  enviable, 
and  commanding  distinct  commercial  privileges  in  the 
career  of  real  estate  speculation  to  which,  in  the  event 
of  continued  peace,  he  was  then  looking  forward. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  honor  bestowed  upon  the 
Browne  household  by  the  proposals  of  the  dashing 
major  was  an  indubitable  one.  It  seems  hard  to  record 
that  although  the  chief  person  concerned,  Elizabeth 
herself,  was  not  in  entire  harmony  with  the  arrange 
ment,  plans  for  the  union  went  on  apace.  As  to  her 
attitude,  we  have  her  own  words  in  a  statement  which 

74 


COURTSHIP  AND  MARRIAGE 

the  unfortunate  progress  of  events  wrung  from  her 
many  years  after,  at  a  time  when  her  life  must  have 
seemed  to  her  nearly  wrecked  by  this  marriage  con 
tracted  at  so  tender  an  age.  "When  I  entered  into 
matrimony,  in  June,  1761,  with  Col.  Rbb't  Rogers," 
she  states,  "he  was  a  person  of  character  and  distinc 
tion;  though  I  married  him  solely  in  obedience  to  the 
will  of  my  parents  and  friends."1  How  real  was  this 
pressure, —  how  much  the  union  was  against  her  will, 
and  how  much,  in  the  light  of  her  later  injuries,  she 
may  have  forgotten  an  original  prepossession  in  the 
bridegroom's  favor, —  it  is  impossible  to  say;  but  the 
whole  spirit  of  household  government  then,  and  the 
temper  of  her  father,  were  such  that  feeble  protesta 
tions  of  her  own  would  not  have  availed  much.  On 
June  30,  1761,  the  day  on  which  the  bride  celebrated 
her  twentieth  birthday,  she  was  led  to  the  altar  in 
Queen's  Chapel  by  the  tall  and  soldierly  commander; 
and  her  own  father,  in  the  church  over  which  he  pre 
sided  and  where  she  had  worshipped  since  her  child 
hood,  read  the  service  which  united  them.9  They 
returned  after  the  ceremony  to  the  home  of  the 
Brownes,  for  Rogers  had  as  yet  made  no  provision  for 
a  separate  establishment.  The  honeymoon  was  brief. 
Six  days  after  the  wedding,  there  came  to  the  major, 
from  New  York,  the  summons  to  a  new  campaign ; 
and  the  husband  caught  up  his  arms,  said  a  hasty  fare 
well  to  his  new  and  intimate  connections,  and  was  off 
to  a  farther  frontier  than  any  he  had  yet  served  upon.3 

1  Petition  of  Elizabeth  Rogers  to  the  General  Assembly  of  New  Hampshire, 
February  1 1,  1778.    No  separate  account  is  given  in  these  pages  of  the  divorce 
suit  of  Rogers'  wife,  but  the  grounds  upon  which  it  was  based  and  granted  will 
appear  in  detailed  statements  in  the  course  of  the  narrative. 

2  Records  of  the  Queen's  Chapel,  Portsmouth,  New  Hampshire. 

3  Petition  of  Elizabeth  Rogers  to  the  General  Assembly  of  New  Hampshire, 
February  11,  1778. 

75 


PONTEACH :   OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

This  frontier  was  the  great  undefined  borderland  be 
tween  the  Carolinas  and  the  lands  of  the  Cherokee 
Indians.  The  struggle  now  going  on  there  was  a  re 
verberating  echo  of  the  far  greater  struggle  that  had 
just  been  fought  out  along  the  Ohio  and  the  St.  Law 
rence, —  a  dying  glow  of  the  heat  of  the  conflict  that 
had  run  from  the  northeastern  tip  of  the  crescent  which 
bpunded  the  American  colonies  to  its  southwestern 
extremity.  In  the  decades  previous  to  the  Seven  Years 
War  the  Cherokees  were  the  natural  allies  of  the 
English;  but  early  in  the  conflict  the  French  had 
begun  to  tamper  with  them  and  estrange  them.1  In  this 
they  were  aided  by  the  blundering  and  bullying  policy 
of  the  royal  governor  himself,  one  Lyttleton,  who 
loaded  the  Indians  with  indignities  when  they  should 
have  been  treated  with  diplomatic  kindness,  and  finally 
marched  into  their  country  to  force  an  unwelcome 
treaty  down  their  throats.  Upon  his  return  homeward 
the  infuriated  nation  rushed  down  upon  the  innocent 
and  defenseless  families  of  the  frontier  in  such  force 
that  a  hurried  call  was  sent  northward  for  help.  On 
April  i,  1760,  1200  men  under  Colonel  Montgomery, 
despatched  by  Amherst  from  the  armies  set  free  by  the 
surrender  of  Quebec  and  Montreal,  reached  Charleston; 
and  they,  together  with  seven  companies  of  partisan 
fighters  raised  by  the  governor,  sufficed  to  defend  the 
border  during  the  summer.  In  February,  1761,  a  few 

1  Edward  McCready,  South  Carolina  under  the  Royal  Government,  New 
York,  1899,  pp.  330-350.  W.  Roy  Smith,  South  Carolina  as  a  Royal  Province, 
New  York,  1903,  pp.  186,  208-225.  "When  the  war  with  the  Cherokees 
began,  the  Assembly  resolved,  in  February,  1 760,  to  provide  for  seven  troops  of 
rangers  of  seventy-five  men  each,  to  be  continued  in  the  pay  of  the  province  until 
July  i.  ...  An  eighth  troop  was  added  in  January,  1761,  forming  a  regiment 
of  six  hundred  men.  Continued  in  service  until  October  I,  1761,  they  took 
part  in  the  Indian  campaigns  of  Colonels  Montgomery  and  Grant.  The  number 
of  troops  was  reduced  to  four  on  October  i,  1761,  to  two  on  April  i,  1762,  and 
the  remainder  were  disbanded,  July  i,  1762."  (Smith,  p.  186.) 

76 


SERVICE  AGAINST  THE  CHEROKEE 

days  before  Rogers  am  •  4  in  New  York  from  the  west, 
Lieutenant  Colonel  James  Grant,  with  whom  the  ranger 
had  been  associated  at  Fort  Edward  two  years  before, 
received  orders  to  embark  for  the  relief  of  the  pro 
vince.  This  expedition  of  Grant's,  remarkable  as  the 
school  in  which  a  half-dozen  such  Revolutionary  offi 
cers  as  Moultrie,  Pickens,  Laurens,  and  Marion  learned 
their  first  lessons  in  war,  invaded  the  Cherokee  terri 
tory  in  May,  2600  strong;  and  a  month  later,  march 
ing  up  the  beautiful  valley  of  the  Salida,  his  army 
attacked  and  completely  defeated  the  savages.  A  fort 
night  more  of  burning  and  pillaging  reduced  the  farms 
of  the  tribes  to  desolate  wastes;  and  returning  early  in 
August  to  Fort  Prince  Henry,  he  received  the  now 
submissive  chief  of  the  Cherokees,  and  transmitted  him 
to  Charleston  to  sue  for  peace. 

So  matters  stood  when,  on  August  20,  1761,  Rogers 
arrived  at  the  capital  of  South  Carolina,  having  come 
boldly  overland  in  a  full  month's  journey  through  Vir 
ginia  and  North  Carolina  with  Colonel  Byrd  and  a  few 
Indian  guides.1  His  advent  had  been  long  expected. 
Certain  members  of  his  old  corps  had  been  fighting 
under  Grant  since  early  spring;  and  as  early  as  Novem 
ber  of  the  preceding  year,  he  himself  had  been  men 
tioned  us  billeted  for  a  command  at  Fort  Loudon.' 
Three  days  after  his  arrival  he  set  out  northward,  and 
travelling  the  one  hundred  and  fifty  miles  to  the  border 
of  the  Cherokee  country,  assumed  at  Fort  Prince  George 
the  command  of  an  independent  company.  His  new 
post  was  worth  ^560  a  year,  and  represented  a  fulfill 
ment  of  Amherst's  promise  of  a  "substantial  reward  to 
follow  his  services."3  Rogers  was  too  late  for  the  active 

1  South  Carolina  Gazette,  June  6,  1761  ;  August  22,  1761. 
*  Idem,  September  13,  November  22,  1760;  February  7,  May  30,  1761. 
3  P.  R.  O.,  C.  O.  5,  Volume  154,  number  18  ;   Rogers  to  Hillaborough, 
November   17,    1771. 

77 


PONTEACH  :    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

service  of  real  warfare,  but  under  Grant's  orders  he  was 
engaged  in  scouting  the  country,  even  to  the  foot  of 
the  rugged,  pine-grown  hills  that  stretched  their  great 
flanks  away  toward  the  smoky  summits  of  the  Blue 
Ridge,  and  in  helping  hold  in  awe  the  great  extent  of 
plain  and  valley  recently  subjugated.1  In  a  later  account 
he  described  the  fascination  for  him  of  the  wide  savan 
nahs  of  grass,  alternating  with  spacious  forests  of  mag 
nolia,  tulip,  gum,  and  oak,  and  breaking,  to  the  west, 
into  the  misty  mountainous  country,  where  the  limit 
less  expanse  of  upland,  embrowning  under  the  August 
sun,  rounded  into  vast  knobs  across  whose  hazy  outline 
distant  clouds  of  birds  drifted  like  a  slender  wisp  of 
srnoke;  and  he  touched  also  upon  the  discomforts  of 
the  sultry,  thunderous  weather,  and  the  pestiferous  clouds 
of  mosquitos.  In  September  he  was  withdrawn  to  the 
post  called  Ninety-six,  for  peace  once  more  reigned 
on  the  border;3  and  here,  halfway  between  the  upper 
branches  of  the  Sabinc  and  the  Savannah,  in  a  country 
still  hilly  and  full  of  an  interesting  Indian  life,  he 
lingered  until  the  departure  of  nearly  every  other  por 
tion  of  Grant's  force  in  December.  Early  in  spring, 
while  still  retaining  command  of  his  now  idle  company, 
he  was  empowered  by  the  provincial  governor  to  raise 
volunteers  up-colony,  for  a  new  regiment  demanded  for 
northern  service  by  Amherst.  In  this  he  achieved  re 
markable  success,  beating  up,  from  the  towns  north  of 
Charleston,  more  than  one  hundred  men  within  two 
months.3  He  was  not  interested  in  mere  recruiting, 
however,  and  chafed  to  be  permitted  to  return  to  the 
north.  Finally,  on  August  i,  he  completed  his  enlist- 

1  South  Carolina  Gazette,  August  22,   1761. 
.    *  Idem,  November  I,  1761. 

3  Idem,  December  19,  1761  ;  April  10  and  June  5,  1762.  In  May,  it  may 
be  noted,  a  privateer  was  fitted  out  in  Charleston  Harbor  for  use  against  the 
Spaniards  by  Rogers'  brother  James,  and  christened  «'  Major  Rogers. " 

78 


LAND  VENTURES  AND  FINANCIAL  TROUBLES 

ments,  sending  forty  men  into  Charleston  in  one  day; 
and  on  October  9,  together  with  Lieutenant  Ramsay, 
Amherst's  special  enlisting  agent,  he  sailed  for  New  York 
in  the  brig  "Hannah."1  The  command  of  his  company 
he  had  given  up  on  the  first  of  July,  when  it  was  finally 
disbanded.  In  his  whole  employment  in  the  south,  he 
had  undergone  no  very  exciting  experiences,  and  had 
been  given  no  opportunity  to  prove  himself  more  than 
an  efficient  garrison  officer;  but  he  had  greatly  enlarged 
his  acquaintance  with  the  American  colonies,  and  with 
the  Indians  of  the  west. 

Early  in  November,  after  a  brief  stay  in  New  York, 
Rogers  was  received  with  cordiality  at  his  home  in 
Portsmouth,  from  which  he  had  been  absent  nearly  a 
year  and  a  half.3  In  January  of  1763,  as  has  been 
noted,  he  again  presented  to  the  Assembly  his  claim 
for  deferred  pay  during  1755,  and  had  it  in  part 
allowed;  and  at  the  same  time  new  personal  difficul 
ties  forced  him  to  shape  more  carefully  his  business 
affairs,  while  he  began  to  resume  that  interest  in  New 
Hampshire  and  New  York  lands  which  his  summons 
to  South  Carolina  had  interrupted.  Even  before  begin 
ning  his  services  in  the  Seven  Years'  War  he  had  been 
involved  in  several  minor  actions  for  debt,  now  as 
defendant,  now  as  plaintiff,  and  had  signed  one  bond 
of  ^130  to  a  neighbor  at  Merrimac  named  William 
Allds.  Although  his  present  liabilities  rendered  his 
financial  situation  precarious,  he  now  plunged  into  a 
series  of  land  litigations  with  Allds,  who  claimed  a 
prior  right  to  Rogers'  farm  at  Merrimac,  and  lost 
them  all,  with  heavy  costs.3  Another  venture  was  simi 
larly  fruitless.  A  year  before,  following  a  proclamation 

1  South  Carolina  Gazette ',  August  6,  October  2,  and  October  16,  1762. 
a  Elizabeth  Rogers'   Petition  to  the  General  Assembly  of  New  Hampshire, 
February  1 1,  1778. 
3  Idem. 

79 


PONTEACH :    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

by  Governor  Golden  of  New  York  that  the  close  of 
the  war  had  opened  for  settlement  the  uncleared  coun 
try  above  the  Mohawk,  Rogers  and  several  fellow  offi 
cers  had  petitioned  for  a  grant  of  25,000  acres  on  the 
shores  of  Lake  George,  but  had  been  thwarted  by  the 
protests  of  the  Mohawk  Indians,  conjoined  with  a 
stoppage  by  the  crown  of  all  such  grants.  Now,  ably 
seconded  by  his  associates,  he  renewed  his  claim,  but 
without  success.1  His  only  prudential  business  measure 
was  the  purchase  of  a  share  of  a  Suncook  sawmill.  He 
spent  much  of  his  time  between  Portsmouth  and  Rum- 
ford,  and  his  improvidence,  and  a  tendency  toward  dis 
sipation,  troubled  and  angered  his  father-in-law.  On 
December  20,  1762,  by  the  expedient  of  loaning  him 
jfiooo,  the  minister  forced  him  to  part  with  his  500 
acres  of  land  at  Rumford,  with  three  negro  slaves,  and 
"one  Indian  Boy  named  Billy,  aged  thirteen,"  which 
Browne  at  once  transferred  to  a  brother  to  hold  in  trust 
for  Elizabeth  Rogers.  During  the  spring  the  good 
pastor  seems  finally  to  have  lost  patience  with  his  son- 
in-law.  In  April  he  made  out  a  bill  for  the  board  and 
lodging  of  the  major  and  his  family,  amounting,  to 
gether  with  small  sums  paid  his  washerwoman,  shoe 
maker,  and  tailor,  to  ^2600 ;  and  adding  to  it  the 
^"looo  paid  for  his  farm,  and  ^500  for  personal  prop 
erty  given  him,  secured  a  writ  and  set  a  sheriff  upon 
his  heels.  All  his  available  property  —  it  was  but  ^£50 
—  was  attached,  and  he  was  forced  to  give  bond  for  the 
payment  of  the  remainder  of  the  debt.3  His  wife  still 
remained,  in  a  sense,  loyal  to  him,  but  he  was  more 
and  more  estranged  from  her  family. 

During  the  worried  months  that  followed  his  return 

1  Johnson  Mss.t  24,  104. 

8  These  accounts,  bills,  and  writs  are  still  preserved  at  the  Secretary  of  State's 
office  at  Concord,  New  Hampshire. 

80 


THE  REBELLION  OF  PONTIAC 

from  the  Carolinas,  Rogers  retained  his  majority  and 
was  an  intent  observer  of  public  affairs,  in  momentary 
readiness  to  resume  his  active  command  under  Amherst's 
orders.  His  consistent  hope  was  to  win  promotion  in 
the  colonial  service;  and,  as  he  found  ground  for  doubt 
ing  that  military  affairs  would  present  him  many  more 
opportunities,  he  temporarily  fixed  his  ambitions  upon 
appointment  to  a  civil  post,  preferably  the  command  of 
a  western  garrison.  To  this  end  he  asked  permission 
to  go  to  England,  as  had  several  of  his  brother  provin 
cials,  to  urge  before  the  home  government  the  claim 
his  services  gave  him  upon  a  higher  office;  Johnson, 
however,  partly  because  he  wished  to  keep  the  experi 
enced  ranger  at  hand  for  frontier  service,  more  largely 
because  a  growing  distrust  of  Rogers'  character  made 
him  feel  that  it  would  be  dangerous  to  put  the  ranger 
in  the  way  of  responsible  promotion,  steadfastly  refused 
to  permit  his  departure.1  If  the  major  chafed,  it  was 
not  for  long.  In  April  he  began  to  hear  murmurs  of 
widespread  discontent  throughout  the  savage  nations  of 
the  west.  Toward  the  end  of  the  month  these  grew 
stronger,  until  news  reached  him  in  New  Hampshire 
that  the  commandant  of  Detroit,  alarmed  at  the  con 
gregation  near  that  post  of  a  great  host  of  the  Algon 
quin  races,  had  sent  an  appeal  for  re-enforcements  to 
headquarters.  The  Indians  along  the  Susquehanna  were 
in  arms  against  the  encroaching  white  settlers,  and  from 
widely  scattered  posts  along  the  Ohio  and  the  Great 
Lakes  came  rumors  of  impending  trouble.  Fort  Miami 
on  March  30  reported  the  uprising  of  the  Shawnee, 
and  continued  despatches  from  about  Detroit  reflected 
the  increasing  uneasiness  of  the  savages  there.  The 
French  had  had  no  right,  the  tribes  were  complaining, 

1  Dartmouth  Mss.,  Rogers  to  Dartmouth,  March  13,  1775.     Johnson  Mss.t 

12,    22. 

8l 


PONTEACH  :    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

to  cede  the  red  man's  country  to  the  English;  and  the 
irresistible  trenching  of  the  sturdy  frontier  farmer  upon 
their  hunting  grounds  beyond  the  Alleghanies  filled 
them  with  resentful  dismay.  Finally  on  May  10  Am- 
herst,  skeptical  and  impatient  as  he  was  of  the  attitude 
of  the  Indians,  announced  that  he  would  summon  a 
meeting  of  the  chiefs  to  have  the  terms  of  the  treaty  of 
peace  explained  to  them,  and  began  making  prepa 
rations  for  the  employment,  if  necessary,  of  harsher 
measures.  A  few  days  earlier  Rogers  had  received  an 
appointment  as  captain  of  one  of  the  New  York  inde 
pendent  companies,  in  the  room  of  a  resigned  officer, 
and  had  started  west  to  Albany.1 

Events  now  daily  opened  before  him  the  new  arena 
of  action.  As  during  the  month  all  the  border  country 
of  New  York,  Pennsylvania,  and  Virginia  began  to  feel 
the  still  half-veiled  fury  of  the  western  confederacy,  the 
widespread  nature  and  serious  import  of  the  uprising 
first  began  to  be  understood;  though  not  until  June  4, 
1763,  when  definite  news  of  the  insurrection  reached 
New  York  from  Fort  Pitt  and  Detroit,  was  it  evident 
that  by  a  concerted  plan  the  whole  northwest  was  ex 
pressing  its  hatred  of  British  aggression.  Within  ten 
days  Amherst,  who  believed  on  June  i  that  the  whole 
affair  would  end  in  scattering  and  isolated  outbreaks, 
and  that  even  i:he  minor  posts  were  in  no  danger,  had 
recognized  his  error,  and  determined  to  raise  three  full 
regiments  and  to  equip  smaller  expeditions  of  relief. a 
Reenforcements  to  the  number  of  one  hundred  men 
had  set  out  for  Detroit,  nearly  a  month  before,  with 
provisions  and  arms,  and  more  were  at  once  made  ready. 
On  June  16  Captain  Dalyell,  Amherst's  aid,  brought 
news  from  Albany  that  the  first  force  had  been  attacked 

1  South  Carolina  Gazette,  May  14,  1763. 

2  Bouquet  Papers,  44,  821,  634,  pp.  262-270. 

82 


THE  SIEGE  OF  DETROIT 

by  night  as  it  rested  twenty-four  miles  from  its  goal, 
and  driven  back  toward  Niagara  with  the  loss  of  forty 
men  and  all  their  stores.1  Preparations  for  the  march 
of  a  larger  relief  party  were  at  once,  and  with  redoubled 
energy,  set  on  foot,  and  the  honor  of  heading  it  allotted 
to  Dalyell.  Rogers  was  now  at  New  York,  and  received 
with  some  chagrin  the  news  of  Dalyell's  appointment 
to  a  command  for  which  he  felt  himself  the  obvious 
candidate.  Nevertheless,  as  he  boasted  later,"  "it  was 
with  alacrity  that  he  put  himself  forward  under  an 
inferior  officer,  nominated  to  an  artificial  rank  for 
the  occasion,  it  being  matter  of  indifference  to  whom 
the  credit  of  a  dangerous  enterprise  was  entrusted,  so 
that  he  was  signalized  in  a  prompt  obedience  to  his 
country."  While  he  hurriedly  gathered  together  the 
members  of  the  slender  company  over  which  he  had 
just  assumed  command,  and  posted  northward  through 
Albany  to  Lake  Erie,  his  superior  collected  two  hun 
dred  men  from  the  55th  and  the  8oth  regiments  of 
regulars,  just  arrived  from  the  siege  of  Havana,  and  as 
hastily  followed  him.  At  Niagara  they  halted  long 
enough  to  secure  boats,  and  to  equip  them  with  ammu 
nition,  fresh  provisions,  and  small  cannon.  While  they 
tarried,  there  came  the  news  of  the  treacherous  mas 
sacre  of  the  garrison  at  Venango,  of  the  loss,  rumored 
or  assured,  of  Sandusky,  Miami,  Mackinac,  and  Presqu' 
Isle,  and  of  the  redoubling  of  the  attacks  on  Detroit. 
It  was  plain  that  the  western  woods  were  all  aflame, 
and  that  scores  of  Indian  villages  and  tribes  were  in 
arms.  At  the  same  time  the  busied  soldiers  heard  full 
accounts  of  the  organization  of  the  war  by  Pontiac, 
chief  of  the  Ottawa,  and  learned  something  of  the 
resources  and  numbers  of  the  great  Indian  army  under 

1  Documents  Relative  to  the  Colonial  History  of  New  Fork,  VII,  534. 

2  P.  R.  O.,  C.  O.  j,  Volume  154,  number  18. 

83 


PONTEACH :   OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

his  command,  then  concentrated  about  Detroit,  against 
which  their  little  column  was  to  pit. its  strength.1 

Rogers'  first  meeting  with  Pontiac  had  been  three 
years  before,  during  the  course  of  the  memorable  jour 
ney  he  had  taken  in  the  autumn  and  winter  of  1760 
to  assume  possession  of  the  western  forts  surrendered  by 
the  French.3  On  the  fourth  of  November  of  that  year, 
he  had  set  out  westward  irurrr  Presqu*  Isle  with  seven 
barges,  coasting  along  the  southern  shore  of  Lake  Erie. 
The  weather  was  rough,  and  an  overcast  sky  and  cold 
drizzling  rain  were  accompanied  by  a  wind  which  sent 
the  waves  breaking  high  over  the  prows  of  their  boats; 
the  shore-line,  level  and  high-timbered,  showed  the 
once-blazing  foliage  of  the  Indian  summer  hanging 
dreary  and  dark  in  the  chilling  blast,  or  whirling  in 
sodden  clouds  over  the  wet  beach.  By  the  seventh, 
having  skirted  the  lake  for  nearly  forty  miles,  they  had 
reached  the  mouth  of  the  "Chogage"3  river,  a  consider 
able  stream  flowing  down  placidly  through  tall,  free 
groves  of  oak,  hickory,  and  locust,  near  the  site  of  the 
present  city  of  Cleveland.  Here,  putting  in  for  an  hour's 
refreshment,  they  were  hailed  by  a  party  of  Indians 
wearing  the  paint  and  garb  of  Ottawas,  who  repre 
sented  themselves  as  ambassadors  of  Pontiac,  and  in 
the  name  of  "the  king  and  lord  of  the  country"  com 
manded  Rogers  to  await  his  presence.  In  the  course  of 
an  hour  the  chief  arrived;  he  advanced  "with  an  air 
of  majesty  and  princely  grandeur,"  and,  according  the 
respectful  major  a  grave  salutation,  demanded  of  him 

1  Francis  Parkman,  Conspiracy  of  Pontiac,  Boston,  1851  ;  Diary  of  the  Siege 
of  Detroit ,  edited  by  Franklin  B.  Hough,  Albany,  1860;  H.  M.  Utley,  History 
of  Michigan ,  New  York,  1906,  I,  243-291;  Silas  Farmer,  History  of  Detroit, 
Detroit,  1889,  I,  231-241. 

3  Rogers'  Journals, y.  214;  Rogers'  Concise  Account  of North  America,^.  240. 

3  So  called  by  Rogers.  Variously  conjectured  to  have  been  the  Chagrin,  the 
Cuyahoga,  and  the  Grand.  See  T.  M.  Cooley's  Michigan,  Boston,  1885,  p.  42. 

84 


PREVIOUS  RELATIONS  WITH  PONTIAC 

how  he  dared  enter  unannounced  the  Indian  country. 
Rogers  quietly  informed  him  of  his  mission  to  Detroit, 
diplomatically  adding  that  the  expulsion  of  the  French 
could  not  fail  to  benefit  the  savages  in  increased  privi 
leges  in  hunting  and  trade.  In  brief  rejoinder  Pontiac 
held  out  a  small  string  of  wampum,  in  token  that  the 
rangers  must  not  depart  without  his  leave,  and  retired 
to  deliberate  in  council  upon  the  matter^-  Although 
the  calumet  of  peace  was  smoked  during  the  course 
of  evening,  Rogers  posted  double  guards,  and  himself 
remained  awake  all  night,  until  at  daybreak  the  con 
ference  was  continued.  Amid  puffs  at  the  re-lighted 
pipe,  and  in  measured  syllables,  the  chief  now  declared 
that  he  was  satisfied  with  the  English  officer's  statement 
of  his  purposes  in  invading  the  country ;  that  he  wished 
to  live  in  amity  with  his  new  neighbors ;  that  he  would 
warn  all  the  Indian  towns  along  the  shore  and  about  the 
mouth  of  the  Detroit  river  to  offer  no  obstacle  to  the 
British  advance;  and  that  he  would  supply  the  company 
with  parched  corn  and  meat,  and  detail  one  hundred 
warriors  to  help  them  transport  their  provisions.1  Con 
tinued  rainstorms  confined  the  soldiers  to  camp  for 
several  days,  daring  which  time  the  savages  held  a 
veritable  carnival  in  marketing  their  wild  turkies  and 
venison.  Meanwhile  Pontiac  had  withdrawn.  On  No 
vember  29,  when  Rogers'  lieutenants,  in  presence  of  a 
vastly  larger  French  force,  cut  loose  the  white  lilies  of 
the  Bourbons  from  the  flagstaff  at  Detroit,  and  raised 
in  their  stead  the  colors  of  England,  seven  hundred  In 
dians,  standing  by  with  their  chief,  lifted  a  mighty  cry 
of  wonderment  and  acclamation.  They  had  been  ready 

1  "In  1763,  when  I  went  to  throw  provisions  into  the  garrison  at  Detroit,  I 
sent  this  Indian  a  bottle  of  brandy  by  a  Frenchman.  His  councillors  advised  him  not 
to  eat  it,  insinuating  that  it  was  poisoned,  and  sent  with  a  design  to  kill  him  ;  but 
Ponteach,  with  a  nobleness  of  mind,  laughed  at  their  suspicions,  saying  it  was  not  in 
my  power  to  kill  him,  who  had  so  lately  saved  his  life."  Concise  Account,  p.  244. 

85 


PONTEACH :   OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

but  a  few  days  before  to  fall  in  annihilating  strength 
upon  the  English,  but  had  been  restrained  by  Pontiac. 
During  Rogers'  stay  at  Detroit,  he  often  saw  the 
proud  chieftain,  who  dwelt  with  his  squaws  and  re 
tainers  on  Peche  Isle,  a  high,  wooded  islet  near  by 
in  Lake  St.  Clair,  and  —  always  with  strong  deference 
to  Pontiac's  intense  personal  pride  and  egotism — -en 
gaged  him  in  repeated  interviews.  He  learned  much 
concerning  the  western  country,  and  the  empire  which 
even  then  the  lake  Indians  had  formed,  and  discovered 
in  him  "  great  strength  of  judgment,  great  thirst  after 
knowledge,  and  great  jealousy  of  his  own  respect  and 
honor."  The  chief  offered  the  major  a  part  of  his 
kingdom  if  he  would  take  him  over  seas  to  England, 
and  initiate  him  into  British  military,  social,  and  com 
mercial  affairs;  but  at  the  same  time  made  it  clear 
that  he  would  expect  to  be  treated  abroad  with  the 
courtesy  due  an  independent  and  equal  potentate.  He 
was  decisive  in  his  assertions  that  the  country  of  the 
western  tribes  was  not  to  be  bartered  about  among 
European  nations  as  a  piece  of  conquered  territory. 

Now  Rogers  was  guiding  a  party  over  this  same 
route,  but  in  arms  against  the  chief,  and  amid  wide 
spread  signs  of  his  hostile  power.  On  the  seventh  of 
July,  in  calm  bright  weather,  the  force  set  out,  and, 
soon  leaving  the  thunder  and  mist  of  the  falls  far 
oehind,  were  by  nightfall  well  out  along  the  full 
expanse  of  the  lake.  They  numbered  nearly  two  hun 
dred,  in  part  veterans  who  had  fought  battles  under 
the  British  flag  in  many  climes,  in  part  experienced 
provincial  scouts;  Rogers  had  direct  command  of  the 
twenty  men  most  experienced  in  wood  service,  and 
guided  the  expedition  as  it  proceeded.  Although 
Dalyell,  who  had  served  continuously  in  America  since 
1756,  was  of  indubitable  bravery  and  experience,  there 

86 


THE  RELIEF  OF  DETROIT 

seems  early  to  have  been  some  jealous  friction  between 
the  two  men.  Through  successive  days  of  oppressive 
heat  they  coasted  the  south  shore,  moving  as  fast  as 
they  might;  the  lake  was  calm,  the  heavy  green  tops 
of  the  fringing  woods  hung  languidly  motionless  in  the 
full  effulgence  of  the  sun,  and  the  sky  met  the  water 
at  the  horizon  like  an  inverted  mirror.  They  finally 
reached  the  charred,  wrecked  ruins  of  the  fort  at 
Presqu*  Isle,  the  ground  about  it  furrowed  and  littered 
with  the  works  thrown  up  by  the  attacking  savages; 
and  a  few  days  later  Sandusky,  where  dusty  trenches, 
converging  upon  a  mound  of  ashes,  and  some  half- 
burned  timbers,  told  the  same  story  of  violence.  At  this 
point  they  landed  to  wreak  vengeance  upon  a  neigh 
boring  village  of  the  Wyandotte,  and,  after  ravaging 
their  cornfields,  pushed  on  again  by  water  for  the 
mouth  of  the  Detroit  river.  When  they  arrived  here 
on  the  evening  of  July  28,  all  was  still,  for  the  savage 
host,  lying  only  a  few  miles  above,  had  not  even  a  scout 
out  to  sound  the  alarm.  Under  cover  of  night,  paddling 
as  rapidly  as  possible,  they  ascended  the  stream,  and  in 
the  misty  dawn,  making  a  final  dash  for  the  beleaguered 
fort,  gained  the  protection  of  its  guns  just  at  sunrise.  As 
they  entered,  the  Indian  besiegers  broke  the  silence  of 
a  fortnight  with  a  hot  fusillade,  and  inflicted  a  trifling 
loss  upon  the  hindmost  boats;  but  nothing  could  stop 
the  cheers  of  the  garrison,  worn  as  they  were  with 
constant  watching,  and  as  the  soldiery  disembarked, 
the  streets  of  the  French  village  rang  with  their  re 
joicing.  The  barracks  could  not  accommodate  the  new 
arrivals,  and  they  were  quartered  in  the  homes  of  the 
habitants. 

The  Indian  army  under  Pontiac,  then  numbering 
more  than  two  thousand  warriors,  had  but  recently 
withdrawn  its  main  camp  to  a  river  marsh  two  miles 

87 


PONTEACH :   OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

above  the  post,  whence  it  kept  the  town  and  fort  con 
stantly  surrounded.  Dalyell  feared  its  withdrawal,  and 
proposed  an  immediate  attack,  which  was  actually  set 
on  foot  soon  after  midnight  on  the  second  day  after  his 
coming.  By  some  it  is  said  that  a  dispute  between  the 
provincials  and  the  English  regulars  as  to  their  relative 
fighting  effectiveness  was  the  mainspring  behind  the 
ill-judged  advance.  The  commander's  plans  were  be 
trayed  to  the  Indians  by  the  French  about  the  post,  and 
when  in  the  heavy  gloom  just  before  the  dawn  of  July 
3 1  his  little  corps  moved  out  from  town  along  a  road 
parallel  to  the  river,  and  into  the  pitchy  forest  beyond, 
he  was  attacked  in  force.  The  battle  which  followed  is 
known  as  Bloody  Run,  for  it  surged  and  varied  along 
the  shores  of  a  little  stream  which  for  hours  ran  crim 
son.  The  English  column,  stumbling  along  the  dark 
ness  of  the  village  road,  with  its  flank  protected  by  two 
cannon-bearing  bateaux  on  the  river  opposite,  was  on 
the  point  of  crossing  this  creek,  when  it  was  met  in  the 
face  by  the  fire  of  the  intrenched  savages,  forced  back 
in  confusion,  reattacked  on  the  open  side,  and  finally, 
as  it  still  rallied  stubbornly,  pushed  back  among  the 
first  scattering  houses  of  the  town.  Half  of  the  officers 
were  killed  in  the  first  moments  of  the  combat,  and, 
despite  the  heroic  efforts  of  the  rear  guard  to  keep  open 
the  communications  with  the  fort  in  the  rear,  the  full 
body  occupied  several  hours  in  its  fighting  retreat, 
which  the  Indians  endeavored  repeatedly  to  cut  orF. 
After  their  first  fire  the  savages  scattered,  and  from 
behind  trees,  wood  piles,  barns,  and  outbuildings  poured 
a  galling  fusillade  into  the  ranks  of  the  troops,  still 
bewildered  in  the  slowly-dissipating  darkness. 

Rogers  and  his  men  early  occupied  a  house  beside 
the  highway,  first  expelling  a  troop  of  Indians,  and 
from  it  covered  their  comrades'  retreat,  until  in  a  few 

88 


PONTIAC'S  DEFEAT  OF  DALYELL 

moments  they  were  themselves  completely  isolated. 
Many  years  later  an  eyewitness  gave  Parkman  an  ac 
count  of  the  fighting  from  this  building.1  "The  major 
entered  with  some  of  his  own  men,  while  many  panic- 
stricken  regulars  broke  in  after  him,  in  their  anxiety  to 
gain  a  temporary  shelter.  The  house  was  a  large  and 
strong  one,  and  the  women  of  the  neighborhood  had 
crowded  into  the  cellar  for  refuge.  While  some  of  the 
soldiers  looked  in  blind  terror  for  a  place  of  conceal 
ment,  others  seized  upon  a  keg  of  whiskey  in  one  of 
the  rooms,  and  quaffed  the  liquor  with  eager  thirst, 
while  others  piled  packs  of  furs,  furniture,  anything  in 
reach,  against  the  windows  as  a  barricade.  Panting  and 
breathless,  their  faces  moist  with  sweat  and  blackened 
with  gunpowder,  they  thrust  their  muskets  through 
the  openings,  and  fired  out  upon  the  whooping  assail 
ants.  At  intervals  a  bullet  sharply  whizzed  through  a 
crevice,  striking  down  a  man,  or  rapping  harmlessly 
against  the  partitions.  The  gray-haired  master  of  the 
house,  old  Campau,  stood  on  a  trap  door  to  prevent 
the  frightened  soldiers  seeking  shelter  among  the 
women  in  the  cellar.  The  screams  of  the  half-stifled 
women  below,  the  quavering  war-whoops  without,  the 
shouts  and  curses  of  the  soldiers,  the  groans  of  the 
wounded,  mingled  in  a  scene  of  clamorous  confusion." 
From  their  perilous  position  here  Rogers  and  his  men 
were  saved  by  the  hasty  movement  of  the  bateaux, 
which  were  rowed  down  to  a  position  where  the  swivel 
cannon  swept  the  woods  and  gardens  about,  and  drove 
the  savages  away  from  their  path  in  momentary  dis 
order.  Yet  not  a  moment  too  soon  the  rangers  fell 
upon  the  retreating  main  body,  for  as  they  parted  by 
one  door  the  foremost  Indians  leaped  in  at  another. 
At  eight  o'clock  the  troops,  exhausted,  crestfallen, 

1  Francis  Parkman,   Tbf  Conspiracy  of  Pontiac,  Boston,  1851,  p,  ^75. 

89 


PONTEACH :    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

and  discouraged,  reentered  the  palisades  they  had  so 
lately  quitted.  The  night's  sally  had  cost  them  dear, 
for  they  had  lost  their  commander  and  sixty  men. 
Dalyell  had  been  killed  in  an  act  of  impulsive  bravery, 
running  back  to  save  a  comrade,  and  a  Captain  Grant 
had  taken  his  place  in  the  chief  command.  The 
Indians  were  greatly  elated;  their  yells  of  triumph 
filled  the  woods,  and  swift  runners  were  at  once  sent 
out  to  bear  the  joyful  news  far  and  wide.  Nevertheless 
the  English  kept  up  a  good  heart.  They  had  succeeded 
in  inflicting  some  small  injury  upon  the  enemy,  and 
they  knew  that  their  position,  since  the  reenforcement 
of  the  garrison,  was  entirely  safe. 

For  some  months  the  siege  dragged  wearily  and 
uneventfully  on.  When  on  August  i  3  a  schooner  and 
sloop  were  sent  to  Niagara  for  troops  and  supplies, 
Rogers  took  opportunity  to  transmit  to  Johnson  a  par 
tial  journal  of  the  siege,  extending  from  its  beginning 
until  July  4,  material  for  which  he  had  obtained  from 
the  officers  of  the  fort;1  and  in  October  he  inquired 
whether  he  would  be  relieved  from  garrison  duty  dur 
ing  the  fall,  and  requested  that  his  wife  be  given  the 
same  information.9  On  the  twelfth  of  this  month  one 
of  the  chiefs  represented  to  Major  Gladwin  that  the 
young  braves  were  urgent  to  begin  the  winter  hunts, 
and  arranged  a  truce  which  permitted  the  soldiers  to 
lay  in  a  further  store  of  provisions;  none  too  soon,  for 
they  were  subsisting  on  five  pounds  of  flour  and  one 
half-gallon  of  wheat  each  week.  At  about  the  same 
time  Pontiac  wrote  that  his  Indian  followers  had 
buried  the  hatchet,  and  "all  the  bad  things  had  passed 
should  be  forgotten  on  both  sides."  A  few  days  later 

1  This  journal  is  reprinted  in  the  Diary  of  the  Siege  of  Detroit,   edited  by 
Franklin  B.  Hough,  and  published  at  Albany  in  1860. 
''  See  the  same  volume,  page  175. 

90 


ROGERS  AND  THE  INDIAN  TRADE 

the  smoke  ceased  to  rise  from  their  whilom  encamp 
ment.  Taking  their  women  and  children,  the  savages 
had  departed  southward.  Peace  had  not  been  made, 
and  the  war  —  which,  indeed,  did  not  end  for  nearly  a 
year  —  was  only  broken;  but  Detroit  had  little  to  fear 
until  spring.1 

In  November  Gladwin  determined  to  reduce  his  gar 
rison  for  the  winter,  and  sent  all  but  two  hundred  men 
east  to  Niagara,  where  they  arrived  near  the  end  of  the 
month.  Rogers,  accompanied  by  two  Mohawk  Indians, 
followed  a  few  days  later,  relieved  by  a  return  to  the 
security  of  the  East.3  Ever  since  the  departure  of  the 
Indians  the  days  had  passed  monotonously  at  Detroit, 
for  it  was  unsafe  to  wander  far  from  the  fort,  or  to 
pursue  stray  game  into  the  woods;  the  treachery  of  the 
French  in  the  town  near  by  was  constantly  feared;  the 
men,  in  a  garrison  so  small,  had  to  perform  irksomely 
constant  garrison  duty;  and  their  rations  were  limited 
in  variety,  as  well  as  in  quantity.  For  some  time, 
apparently,  the  major  lingered  near  Niagara,  partly  on 
military  duty,  partly  engaged  in  affairs  of  his  own, — 
affairs,  too,  of  no  very  creditable  nature.  Of  any  speci 
fic  misdeeds  we  know  nothing,  but  it  seems  clear  that 
he  was  concerned  in  the  trade  with  the  friendly  tribes 
of  the  Moliawks  and  Delawares  in  the  region,  and  was 
using  his  uniform,  his  commission,  and  his  reputation 
in  furthering  his  business  ventures;  while  at  the  same 
time  he  was  none  too  honest  in  his  various  dealings 
with  associates  in  the  Indian  trade,  and  permitted  one 
such  trader,  William  McCracken,  to  forfeit  a  bond  in 
his  name.  In  the  last  years  of  the  French  war,  and  in 
the  period  since,  except  for  the  time  he  was  engaged 
in  the  Carolina  campaigns,  he  had  been  suspected  of 

1  Bouquet  Papers,   Canadian  Archives,  1889,  pp.  242  ff. 
a  Jobwon  Mss.t  24,  22. 


PONTEACH :    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

an  illegal  participation  in  the  very  traffic  with  the 
border  tribes  which  it  was  his  military  duty  to  help 
regulate;  and  his  open  concern  with  it  now  brought 
him  under  the  direct  displeasure  of  Sir  William  John 
son  at  Johnson  Hall.  Early  in  January,  1764,  he  sur 
rendered  his  commission,  and  posted  to  New  York; 
and  on  the  twenty-second  of  that  month,  according  to 
a  rather  cryptic  letter  of  the  period,  he  "escaped"  to 
"precious"  Connecticut  by  sea.1  The  exact  nature  and 
extent  of  his  derelictions  in  Indian  commerce  are  du 
bious,  but  they  had  sufficed  to  make  for  him  powerful 
enemies. 

On  February  24,  Rogers  was  again  at  Rumford, 
looking  after  the  farm  which  he  had  given  over  a  year 
before  to  his  father-in-law,  and  which  was  now  held 
in  his  wife's  name.  He  dined  on  this  date  with  the 
Rev.  Mr.  Walker,  and  seems  to  have  been  hereabouts 
on  brief  errands  of  business  repeatedly  through  the 
summer.  Most  of  the  year,  however,  he  spent  near  or 
in  Portsmouth,  engrossed  in  his  dealings  in  land.  A 
number  of  the  score  or  more  of  conveyances  to  which 
he  was  a  party  between  his  marriage  and  1765  are 
dated  during  these  months,  and  in  all  of  them  he  signs 
himself  as  "of  Portsmouth"  or  "now  residing  in  Ports 
mouth."  His  absences  from  his  wife's  home,  however, 
were  frequent  and  lengthy,  and  she  complains  repeat 
edly  that  he  scarcely  succeeded,  in  all,  in  spending  more 
than  a  few  days  with  her.  Nothing,  indeed,  is  more 
significant  of  Rogers'  real  character  than  his  consistent 
attitude  toward  the  woman  whom,  as  she  herself  re 
minded  him,3  he  was  "bound  by  the  tenderest,  most 
sacred  ties  to  protect,  succor,  and  comfort," — his  habi- 

1  "Johnson  Mss.t  8,  121  (McCracken  to  Johnson),  and  12,  22  (Johnson  to 
Gen.  Gage). 

2  Elizabeth  Rogers'  petition. 

92 


NEW  HAMPSHIRE  LAND  VENTURES 

tual  neglect  of  her,  the  calm  indifference  with  which 
he  forgot  for  months  at  a  time  his  entire  connection 
with  her,  his  failure  to  make  any  real  provision  for  her 
separate  maintenance.  Whatever  may  have  been  his 
object  in  marrying,  it  was  plainly  not  to  found  a  home. 
The  excuse  which  his  military  services  gave  him  for 
his  neglect  was  far  from  valid  now,  when  —  no  matter 
what  his  ambitions  —  his  only  immediate  abstraction 
was  with  his  real-estate  ventures.  And  although  he  was 
associated  much  with  his  brother,  James  Rogers,  who 
had  secured  the  grant  of  a  tract  of  nearly  twenty  thou 
sand  acres  lying  east  of  Lake  Champlain,  in  Vermont, 
he  was  seldom  far  from  the  capital;  indeed,  his  most 
important  project,  culminating  July  4  in  the  acquisi 
tion  of  three  thousand  acres  at  Readsboro,  Vermont,  he 
carried  through  without  leaving  the  city,  for  the  colony 
granted  him  the  land  in  his  capacity  as  a  half-pay  offi 
cer.1  This  property  he  was  compelled  immediately  to 
mortgage  to  one  Gysbert  Fonda  of  Albany  for  ^£5600, 
while  his  wife's  land  he  also  placed  under  an  encum 
brance  of  ^350.  He  was  evidently  deep  in  debt.9 

In  early  March,  1765,  Rogers — giving  out  that  he 
was  off  for  the  West  Indies  —  departed  for  England, 
upon  the  trip  which  in  his  own  worldly  interests  he 
had  so  long  meditated.  His  knowledge  of  the  pro 
nounced  disapproval  with  which,  in  all  capacities  ex 
cept  the  rather  narrow  one  of  Indian  fighter,  Johnson 
and  his  American  associates  viewed  him,  made  it  seem 
imperative  that  he  seek  his  coveted  promotion  on  the 
other  side  of  the  water.  Colonel  Gladwin,  with  whom 

1  New  Hampshire  Province  Papers,  VII,  i  ;  New  Hampshire  Province  and 
State  Papers,  X,  207. 

3  In  later  years  the  farm  of  Roger*  at  Concord,  with  the  old  Rogers  house, 
was  occupied  by  his  wife,  then  divorced.  The  house  stood  for  many  yean, 
marking  the  virtual  outskirts  of  Concord  to  travelers  coming  down  the  river. 
Lyford's  Concord,  I,  619. 

93 


PONTEACH :    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

he  had  been  associated  at  Detroit,  was  gone  in  October, 
tired  of  the  American  service,  yet  certain  that  he  had 
fulfilled  his  duty;  he  was  presented  to  the  sovereign, 
and  complimented  upon  his  achievements.1  Some  such 
distinction  Rogers  hoped  to  receive,  while  he  wished 
above  all  to  secure  fin  administrative  appointment  in  the 
king's  employ,  whether  in  Europe,  India,  or  America. 
For  some  time  past  he  had  seen  junior  officers  elevated 
above  him  merely  because  they  had  found  time  to  pre 
sent  themselves  at  London,  and  opportunity  to  secure 
the  influence  of  court  friends.  One  Gorham,  for  ex 
ample,  a  mere  captain  of  rangers  who  had  served  for 
two  years  under  his  command,  was  now  established  as  a 
lieutenant  colonel  over  his  head.3  He  was,  moreover, 
anxious  to  see  the  land  of  his  fathers;  anxious  to  leave 
the  complaints  of  his  wife,  and  the  importunities  of  his 
creditors;  anxious  to  investigate  the  glamor  of  metro 
politan  existence;  and  anxious  to  publish  two  books 
upon  which  he  had  meditated  during  his  leisure  mo 
ments.  In  the  English  book  marts  of  the  hour  there 
was  a  ready  demand  for  military  accounts  of  the  glori 
ous  struggle  just  closed,  and  for  geographical  descrip 
tions  of  the  vast  realms  just  added  to  the  crown. 

His  chief  activities  in  London,  therefore,  were  politi 
cal  and  literary.  His  exploits  had  well  advertised  him, 
and  his  advent  attracted  general  notice.  Old  military 
friends  crowded  about  him,  and  with  the  recommenda 
tions  to  various  gentlemen  of  prominence  which  he 
had  brought  with  him,  he  shortly  became  known 
among  the  lesser  notables  of  the  season.  In  the  maga 
zines  of  the  time 3  is  found  frequent  mention  of  his 

1  Documents  Relative  to  the  Colonial  History  of  New  York,  VII,  666. 

3  Dartmouth  Ma.,  March  13,  1775. 

3  Gentleman's  Magazine,  November  and  December,  1760;  December,  1765; 
March,  1766.  The  Monthly  Review,  XXIV,  9,  22,  and  242.  7 be  Critical 
Review,  1766,  p.  151  ;  1765,  p.  386. 

94 


ROGERS  IN  LONDON 

career  and  his  person,  and  upon  the  streets  his  tall, 
sturdy  figure,  carried  with  an  easy  boldness  of  demeanor, 
was  frequently  pointed  out.  He  resorted  to  the  parties 
and  clubs  at  which  officers,  retired  and  active,  were 
found,  and  won  speedily  a  deserved  reputation  for  jovial 
ity  and  good  fellowship.  Tradition  has  still  perpetuated 
stories  of  how,  when  accosted  one  lonely  night  by  a 
highwayman  on  Hounslow  Heath,  he  peremptorily 
knocked  him  down  and  dragged  him  away  to  justice; 
of  how  he  appeared,  on  a  wager,  at  a  fashionable  ball 
in  the  uncouth  garb  of  a  backwoods  hunter;  of  how 
once,  deep  in  his  glasses  with  a  merry  company,  he  bet 
he  could  tell  the  greatest  lie,  and,  relating  the  strange 
but  true  story  of  his  father's  death,  was  vociferously 
awarded  the  palm.1  Indeed,  he  laid  at  this  time  the 
real  foundation  for  a  very  considerable  and  lasting  pop 
ularity  in  London, —  one  which  endured  through  all 
the  compromising  vicissitudes  which  later  brought  him 
an  exiled  petitioner  to  the  capital.  Of  his  picturesque 
appearance  at  the  time,  and  of  some  of  the  grounds 
upon  which  his  reputation  was  based,  we  may  judge 
from  a  crudely  designed  and  colored  print-portrait  of 
him  which  ten  years  later  was  exposed  for  sale  in  all 
the  shop-windows,  with  the  legend  beneath,  "  Major 
Rogers,  the  famous  Ranger.'"  It  was  reproduced  in 
Germany,  and  copies  of  it  are  even  yet  preserved.  They 
show  us  a  tall,  heavy  man,  smooth-shaven,  with  a  coun 
tenance  pleasantly  open  and  regular,  but  coarsely  de 
lineated.  He  is  in  full  uniform,  with  long  hair  partially 
hidden  by  a  regulation  cockade;  a  heavy  rifle  is  thrown 

1  John  Farmer  and  J.  B.  Moore,  Collections,  Topographical,  Historical,  and 
Biographical,  Relating  Principally  to  New  Hampshire,  Concord,  1822-4,  Vol 
ume  I,  240. 

3  This  print,  first  struck  off  on  October  I,  1776,  is  described  in  Smith's 
British  Mezzotint  Portraits.  It  was  reprinted  in  Geschichte  der  Kriege  in  und 
ausser  Europa,  Elfter  Theil,  Niirnbcrg,  1777. 

95 


PONTEACH :    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

over  the  hollow  of  his  arm;  a  powder-horn  is  sus 
pended  from  his  shoulder  by  a  band  of  Indian  work 
manship;  an  embroidered  belt,  fastened  by  a  heavy 
silver  buckle,  encircles  his  waist;  his  lower  limbs  are 
encased  in  leggings,  and  a  sword  hangs  by  his  side. 
This  military  and  energetic  bearing,  however,  height 
ened  as  it  is  by  the  relief  with  which  his  sinewy  figure 
is  outlined  against  a  gloomy  forest  background,  from 
whose  shades  indistinctly  push  two  naked  savages,  is 
not  borne  out  by  his  expression  or  features.  The  jaw 
is  harsh,  the  lips  full  and  heavy,  the  large  nose  .and 
prominent  eyes  almost  cold  and  phlegmatic  in  aspect; 
the  glance  and  the  set  of  the  features,  while  direct 
enough,  still  seem  calculating  and  evasive.  While  the 
face  is  clearly  that  of  a  man  of  action,  largely  wanting 
in  lines  of  thought,  it  is  far  from  being  indicative  of 
the  rugged,  daredevil  energy  with  which  we  associate 
Rogers'  name. 

To  further  his  designs  for  an  American  appointment 
Rogers  soon  set  about  the  preparation  and  publication 
of  his  Journals,  or  the  diary  he  had  kept  of  his  move 
ments  during  the  Seven  Years  War,  and  of  another 
book  which  he  called  A  Concise  Account  of  North 
America.  These  appeared  simultaneously  in  October, 
1765,  from  the  press  of  John  Millan,  a  Whitehall 
stationer  of  some  prominence,  in  small  octavo  dress, 
and  sold  for  four  and  five  shillings  respectively.  Both 
were  at  once  favorably  reviewed  by  the  critical  maga 
zines,  which  took  evident  pleasure  in  introducing  the 
military  hero  in  his  literary  capacity.  "  Few  of  our 
readers,"  said  the  Monthly  Review,  "are  unacquainted 
with  the  name,  or  ignorant  of  the  exploits  of  Major 
Rogers,  who  with  so  much  reputation  headed  the  pro 
vincial  corps  called  Rangers  during  the  whole  course 
of  our  late  successful  wars  in  America, —  a  brave,  active, 


CRITICISM  OF  ROGERS'  BOOKS 

judicious  officer.  To  him  we  are  obliged,  in  the  Con 
cise  Account,  for  the  most  satisfactory  description  we 
have  yet  been  favored  with  of  the  interior  parts  of  the 
immense  continent  which  victory  has  so  lately  added  to 
the  British  Empire."  Of  the  journals  it  said  that  the 
author,  "who  has  given  undoubted  proofs  of  his  bravery 
and  skill,"  wrote  "like  an  honest,  a  sensible,  and  a  mod 
est  man,"  and  that  his  work  was  "authentic,  important, 
and  necessary  to  a  thorough  understanding  of  the  late 
military  operations  in  North  America."  The  other 
periodicals  similarly  joined  praise  of  his  military  and 
his  literary  achievements  in  the  same  articles.  "The 
fatigues  Major  Rogers  has  undergone  in  the  course  of 
his  duty,"  writes  the  reviewer  for  the  Critical  Review, 
"would  seem  almost  incredible  were  they  not  con 
firmed  by  the  unquestionable  relations  of  others."  The 
estimate  of  his  merits  as  an  author  is  more  guarded, 
but  "the  prepossessing  openness  with  which  he  writes" 
is  praised,  and  portions  of  his  work  are  spoken  of  as 
"valuable,"  and  other  parts  as  "new  and  curious."1 

In  truth,  the  two  books  were  interesting  and  timely 
contributions  to  the  British  knowledge  of  current  af 
fairs.  The  journals  followed  his  field  career,  day  by 
day,  month  by  month,  from  the  moment  when  as  an 
obscure  captain  he  arrived  with  his  company  of  rangers 
below  Crown  Point  till  that  in  which  he  received  the 
surrender  of  the  outermost  forts  of  the  French.  They 
display  no  sense  of  historical  proportion,  for  several  in 
significant  scouts  receive  as  much  space  as  the  operations 
of  Abercrombie  or  Amherst  against  Montcalm;  and 
they  are  written,  as  one  of  his  critics  noted,  in  a  "dry 
unambitious"  style.  They  are  honest  and  accurate  in 
tone,  however,  and,  while  intimately  personal,  seldom 
if  ever  give  evidence  of  prejudice  or  jealousy  in  their 

1  Monthly  Review,  January,  1766;    Critical  Review,  November,  1765. 

97 


PONTEACH :   OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

outlook  upon  the  affairs  of  fellow  and  superior  officers. 
Their  chief  value  lies  in  the  facts  which,  despite 
Rogers'  monotonous  lack  of  emphasis,  we  may  glean 
from  his  pages  concerning  the  defeat  of  -Abercrombie, 
the  victories  of  Amherst  and  Haviland  below  Montreal, 
and  the  account  of  his  own  journey  upon  the  Great 
Lakes;  their  chief  interest  lies  in  the  fuller  narrative 
of  one  or  two  of  his  most  brilliant  skirmishes,  the  un 
conscious  color  that  creeps  between  the  lines  which 
describe  his  various  scouts,  and  the  rather  bitter  recital 
of  his  dangers  and  hardships  on  the  St.  Francis  raid. 
The  style  is  awkward  and  poverty-stricken,  and  the 
ill-calculated  space  given  at  times  to  trivial  letters  and 
orders  betrays  hasty  composition. 

The  Concise  Account,  which  bears  evidence  of  more 
careful  literary  workmanship,  is  a  manual  of  informa 
tion  regarding  the  colonies  of  North  America,  their 
natural  advantages,  and  the  location  and  character  of 
the  colonial  settlements  and  outposts.  Large  portions 
of  it,  especially  the  historical  sketches  of  the  provinces, 
are  mere  compilations  from  previous  publications,  but 
all  the  regions  from  Nova  Scotia  to  the  Carolinas,  from 
New  York  to  Detroit,  which  Rogers  had  traversed  in 
person,  are  described  in  full,  and  —  especially  in  the 
case  of  distinctly  frontier  phases  of  existence  —  with 
acute  observation.  A  too-pervading  formality  unfor 
tunately  restrains  the  writer  from  ever  falling  into  a 
genuinely  racy,  fresh  vein.  An  appendix  contains  a 
popularly  exaggerated  description  of  various  wild  ani 
mals,  and  a  considerable  treatment  of  the  manners,  cus 
toms,  and  character  of  the  Indians  —  the  latter  the 
cream  of  the  book.  A  real  sympathy,  if  some  trite 
ness,  is  brought  by  Rogers  to  this  exposition  of  savage 
life.  He  recognizes  the  errors  and  weaknesses  of  the 
race,  but  he  does  ample  honor  to  their  virtues.  In  their 

98 


CRITICISM  OF  ROGERS'  BOOKS 

domestic  institutions  he  finds  much  that  is  admirable: 
their  rigid  if  somewhat  oblique  ethics;  the  respect  in 
which  the  aged  are  held;  the  fine  appreciation  of  per 
sonal  dignity  which  restrains  the  parent  from  chastising 
his  child;  their  universal  equanimity  under  the  assaults 
of  every  passion  (except  revenge),  ."surpassing  all  but 
the  most  Christian  philosophers'*;  their  respectful  un 
selfishness  toward  friends  and  allies.  What  is  far  more 
distinctive  in  a  rough,  active  frontiersman,  Rogers  ex 
presses  an  almost  town-bred  admiration  of  the  simple 
gentleness  of  their  untutored  minds,  and  the  pastoral 
beauty  and  happiness  of  their  roving  life.  In  this  re 
spect  he  speaks  most  especially  of  the  Illinois  and  Mis 
souri,  whose  land  he  regarded  as  "the  most  salubrious 
and  fertile  in  the  world."  "These  people  of  any  upon 
earth,"  he  writes,  "seem  blessed  in  this  world:  here  is 
health  and  joy,  peace  and  plenty;  care  and  anxiety, 
ambition  and  the  love  of  gold,  and  every  uneasy  passion, 
seem  banished  from  this  happy  region.  The  goodness 
of  the  country  they  inhabit  renders  their  life  enchant- 
ingly  agreeable  and  easy."  And  he  presages  with  an 
apparent  lingering  of  regret  the  coming  day  when  the 
region  must  be  occupied  by  a  people  whose  studied 
refinement  in  "dress,  equipage,  and  the  modes  of  life" 
will  shatter  this  existence  of  halcyon  content;  for  he 
observed  that  the  Indians'  insatiable  fondness  for  spir 
ituous  liquors  would  clear  the  continent  of  them  in  a 
century.1 

In  short,  Rogers'  attitude  toward  the  savage  race 
bespeaks  a  liberality  almost  anomalous  in  one  whose 
earliest  lesson  was  to  fear  and  hate  the  redskin,  and 
whose  fame  depended  upon  the  success  with  which  he 
had  waged  his  campaigns  against  them  and  their  Cana 
dian  leaders.  This  largeness  of  view  expresses  itself, 

1  Concise  Account  of  North  America,  210. 

99 


PONTEACH:   OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

again,  in  a  sentiment  which  would  now  be  called 
imperial  patriotism.  He  regards  the  new  domains  as 
amongst  the  most  fruitful  and  desirable  upon  earth,  and 
rejoices  everywhere  that  they  have  been  given  to  the 
English  race  to  be  subdued  and  cultivated.  Again  and 
again  he  repeats,  in  effect,  the  declaration  which  fol 
lows  the  account  in  his  Journals  of  the  surrender  of 
Montreal, —  that  the  wealth  of  the  Incas  and  Aztecs 
was  as  nothing  to  that  of  -the  northern  continent,  and 
that  the  Anglo-Saxon  peoples  could  not  fail  to  find  in 
it  a  home  of  wonderful  scope  and  resource.  The  style 
of  the  second  book,  moreover,  is  solid  and  clear,  and  it 
amasses  an  amount  of  information,  drawn  from  observa 
tion  and  research,  that  is  far  from  contemptible.  Al 
together,  there  is  no  point  at  which  we  are  more  likely 
to  be  surprised  into  real  respect  for  the  Ranger  than 
in  the  reading  of  his  two  treatises.  They  not  merely 
exhibit  his  singular  success  in  self-education,  but  for 
one  of  his  education  and  profession  reflect  every  credit 
upon  his  natural  powers  and  abilities. 

Rogers  himself  had  no  illusions  as  to  the  main  de 
fects  of  his  work ;  in  the  preface  to  his  'Journals  he 
attempts  to  disarm  the  critics  by  his  statement  that  the 
work  was  written  "  not  with  silence  and  leisure,  but 
among  deserts,  rocks,  and  mountains,  amidst  the  hurries, 
disorders,  and  noise  of  war,  and  under  that  depression 
of  spirits  which  is  the  natural  consequence  of  exhaust 
ing  fatigue,"  while  in  that  to  his  Concise  Account  he 
asserts  that  it  is  not  his  ambition  to  shine  as  a  learned 
historian,  but  merely  to  relate  "such  simple  facts  as 
may  be  useful  to  his  country"  until  he  might  "resign 
his  plume  to  someone  with  greater  life  and  ornament." 
It  was  generally  understood1  that  both  books  were  to 
be  continued,  and  in  the  Concise  Account  appeared  an 

*  Monthly  Review  >  34,  10. 


100 


CRITICISM  OF  ROGERS*  BOOKS 

advertisement  of  a  third  volume  to  contain  a  history  of 
the  Cherokee  war  and  the  siege  of  Detroit,  with  many 
maps  and  plans.  The  demand  for  this  addition,  which 
Rogers  planned  to  sell  at  one  guinea  by  subscription, 
was,  however,  so  slender  that  he  abandoned  the  project. 
A  seemingly  trivial  circumstance  determined  the  nature 
of  his  third  and  last  publication.  That  part  of  the 
Concise  Account  which  had  most  struck  the  fancy  of 
several  reviewers  was  the  description,  among  the  pages 
devoted  to  the  Indians,  of  the  chief  Pontiac,  widely 
famed  even  in  England  for  his  recent  rebellion.  Rogers 
had  drawn  him  with  a  taciturn  dignity  which  fired 
the  imagination  of  the  writer  for  the  Critical  Review, 
and  at  the  close  of  his  paragraph  the  latter  made  a 
suggestion  upon  which  the  major  hastily  acted.  "The 
picture  exhibited  of  the  Emperor  Pontiac,"  he  said, 
"is  novel  and  interesting,  and  would  appear  to  vast 
advantage  in  the  hands  of  a  great  dramatic  genius." 

In  February,  1766,  four  months  later,  and  some 
weeks  after  Rogers  had  returned  homeward  from  Eng 
land,  the  tragedy  Ponteach  appeared  from  the  press  of 
John  Millan,  under  a  timid  anonymity,  but  with  the 
universal  knowledge  that  Rogers  was  the  author.  Like 
the  other  volumes,  it  was  published  in  small  octavo, 
and  sold  for  two  shillings  sixpence.  It  closed  disas 
trously  Rogers'  brief  career  as  an  author,  for  the  press 
united  in  condemnation  of  it.  "  One  of  the  most  absurd 
productions  we  have  ever  seen,"  was  the  verdict  of  the 
Monthly  Review.1  "It  is  a  great  pity  that  so  brave  and 
judicious  an  officer  should  thus  run  the  hazard  of  ex 
posing  himself  to  ridicule  by  an  unsuccessful  attempt  to 
enliven  the  poet's  bays  with  the  soldier's  laurels.  In 
turning  bard  and  writing  a  tragedy  Rogers  makes  just 
as  good  a  figure  as  would  a  Grub-street  rhymester  at  the 

1  Monthly  Review,  34,  243. 


101 


PONTEACH :   OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

head  of  our  author's  corps  of  North  American  rangers." 
Even  the  Critical  Review,  which  had  suggested  the 
topic,  admitted  it  could  bestow  no  encomiums  upon 
Rogers  as  a  poet,  and  pronounced  the  drama  unprece- 
dentedly  insipid  and  flat.  The  Gentleman's  Magazine 
alone  gave  the  play  more  than  a  few  lines,  and  it  did 
so  only  to  point  out  the  flimsiness  of  its  plot  and  the 
"disgusting  familiarity"  of  its  language. 

The  major  was  followed  at  this  time  by  an  agent  or 
secretary,  named  Nathaniel  Potter, —  an  educated  and 
rather  clever,  but  disreputable  Englishman  whom  he 
had  engaged  in  New  Hampshire  before  sailing  for 
England,  and  who  hod  presumably  accompanied  him. 
Potter  said  of  himself  later  that  since  meeting  Rogers 
in  early  1765  he  "had  continued  to  be  much  connected 
with  him  and  used  by  him  in  various  ways,"  while 
Johnson  stated  in  1767  that  he  had  been  hired  because 
Rogers  was  so  illiterate  as  to  require  someone  to  do 
business  for  him.1  If  he  were  actually  with  the  major 
at  this  time,  he  may  be  partially  deserving  of  credit 
for  the  Concise  Account  and  Ponteach,  which  represent 
a  greater  literary  facility  than  do  the  Journals  or 
Rogers'  ordinary  letters  and  reports;  although  the  con 
tent  of  both  is  by  internal  evidence  largely  Rogers'.  He 
may  also  have  assisted  the  Ranger  in  one  of  his  most 
original  steps  toward  political  preferment, —  the  pro 
posal  of  August  12,  1765,  for  a  search  after  the  North 
west  Passage.  In  the  memorial  embodying  this  project, 
as  presented  to  the  King,  Rogers  set  forth  his  unusual 
qualifications  for  the  quest  —  knowledge  of  the  country, 
capacity  for  making  discoveries,  strength  of  constitu 
tion,  and  talent  for  conciliating  the  Indians  —  and  his 
certainty  that  there  was  such  a  passage,  gained  from 
"his  assiduous  prosecution  of  every  possible  inquiry" 

1  Johnson  Mss.t  15;    106,  154. 


102 


THE  NORTHWEST  PASSAGE  SCHEME 

and  his  employment  at  private  expense  of  Indians  to 
explore  the  distant  rivers  to  the  Pacific  and  Arctic. 
He  prayed  to  be  given  two  hundred  men,  with  whom 
he  would  proceed  across  the  headwaters  of  the  Missis 
sippi,  and  down  the  Oregon  to  Puget  Sound,  thence 
following  northward  the  western  shore  of  the  conti 
nent;  the  expedition  would  consume  in  all  ^28762 
and  three  years'  time.  Although  in  a  pathetic  note  he 
represented  himself  ruined  by  expensive  lawsuits,  his 
petition  was  refused  by  the  Privy  Council.1 

In  obtaining  an  appointment,  however^  Rogers  was 
more  successful.  He  bore  a  letter  of  introduction  to 
the  Lord  Mayor,2  and  by  Amherst  and  others  was  well 
recommended  to  Hillsborough,  President  of  the  Board 
of  Trade;  while  in  October,  1765,  one  of  the  intimate 
friends  he  had  made,  William  Fitzherbert,  was  installed 
a  Commissioner  of  Trade  and  Plantations.3  On  the 
twelfth  of  that  month  he  received  his  coveted  post.4 
One  of  the  November  reviews  of  his  Journals  congrat 
ulated  him  upon  his  advancement,5  and  the  colonial 
gazettes  soon  repeated  the  news  in  the  colonies.6  In 
December  he  sailed  for  home;  and  on  January  10  it 
was  made  known  that  by  royal  direction  General  Gage 
at  New  York  had  appointed  him  commander  of  the 
troops  at  Mackinac  (Michilimackinac),  almost  the  west 
ernmost,  and  one  of  the  most  important,  of  the  British 
garrisons.7 

1  Documents  Relative  to  the  Colonial  History  of  New  Tork,  VII,  988. 
a  Memorial,  Rogers  to  Hillsborough,  December  21,  1768. 

3  Gentleman's  Magazine ,  October,  1765. 

4  Memorial,  Rogers  to  Hillsborough,  October  26,  1769. 
s  Critical  Review,  November,  1765. 

6  Johnson  Mr/.,  12,  22. 

7  Memorial,  Rogers  to  Hillsborough,  October  26,  1769. 


103 


IV 

The  Governorship  at  Mackinac;  Financial  and  Political  Difficulties} 
Quarrels  and  Alleged  Treason;  Court-Martial  and  Acquittal. 

In  America  Johnson  and  his  associates  heard  the 
news  of  Rogers'  appointment  with  indignant  appre 
hension.  None  of  his  superiors  in  the  colonies  con 
sidered  him  even  remotely  fitted  for  a  position  of 
executive  trust,  and  there  was  a  general  conviction  that 
with  his  incapacity  for  governmental  affairs  was  allied 
a  want  of  principle  and  character  that  might  make  him 
actively  dangerous.  The  same  officers  that  in  1755  had 
been  loath  to  believe  the  charges  of  rascality  brought/ 
against  him  as  a  counterfeiter  and  enlisting  officer  were 
now  the  first  to  express  their  amazement  at  his  new 
promotion.  Gage  wrote  to  Johnson  characterizing  him 
as  morally  untrustworthy,  and  the  latter  replied  in  the 
most  emphatic  terms.1  "It  was  I,"  he  said,  "who  for 
his  readiness  first  made  him  an  officer,  and  had  him 
continued  in  the  service,  where  he  soon  became  puffed 
up  with  pride  and  folly,  from  the  extravagant  enco 
miums  and  notices  of  the  provinces.  This  spoiled  a 
good  Ranger,  for  he  was  fit  for  nothing  else;  neither 
has  nature  calculated  him  for  a  large  command  in  that 
service.  He  has  neither  understanding  nor  principles, 
as  I  could  sufficiently  show.  The  character  you  have 
given  him  is  just,  and  I  am  astonished  that  the  govern 
ment  should  have  thought  of  such  an  employment  for 
him."  Several  other  letters  of  the  Indian  Commissioner 
expressed  the  same  disgust.  The  concurrence  of  the 

'January  23,  1766.      Johnson  Mss.t  12,  22. 

104 


ROGERS*  APPOINTMENT  AT  MACKINAC 

general  public  in  his  opinion,  moreover,  proves  that  it 
was  no  mere  rankling  prejudice,  nor  the  effect  of  his 
enmity  toward  Amherst  and  the  other  men  to  whom 
Rogers  probably  owed  his  appointment.  Indeed,  in  a 
letter  of  a  slightly  subsequent  date  Johnson  alludes  to 
the  universal  disapproval  of  Rogers,  and  expresses  a 
charitable  wish  that,  extricating  himself  from  his  debts, 
he  may  belie  his  reputation.1  "  He  does  not  appear  to 
be  much  esteemed,  and  it  gives  me  pain  to  find  a  use 
ful,  active  man  struggling  under  the  disadvantage  of 
distress  and  a  bad  name;  for  he  would  have  done  much 
better  if  he  had  not  been  exalted  too  much  by  the 
people  here,  who  now  appear  foremost  in  debasing 
him.  I  hope  he  will  act  a  proper  part  at  Mackinac, 
prove  of  service  to  the  public,  extricate  himself  from 
his  difficulties,  and  deserve  a  better  character  than  the 
public  has  for  some  time  bestowed  upon  him.  I  wish 
the  government  had  found  a  better  or  more  adapted 
employment  for  him."  But  he  makes  it  clear  else 
where  that  to  him  this  was  a  highly  improbable  con 
summation. 

Johnson,  indeed,  was  at  this  moment  particularly 
jealous  of  the  western  administration,  and  wished  no 
officers  at  the  frontier  posts  upon  whose  integrity  and 
ability  he  could  not  rely.  During  the  whole  preceding 
summer  he  had  been  engaged  in  making  peace  with 
the  still-inflamed  nations  under  Pontiac,  and  had  sent  a 
command  under  Colonel  George  Croghan  into  the  Illi 
nois  country  to  treat  with  them;  and  now  he  was 
busied  with  large  plans  for  the  preservation  and  devel 
opment  of  the  trade  with  the  distant  tribes.  The 
French  west  of  the  Mississippi  he  believed  to  be  cre 
ating  among  the  Indians  of  the  northwest  an  active 
opposition  to  the  English  occupation,  and  to  English 

1  To  Major  Moncrieffe  Gage.     Johnson  Mss.t  12,  27. 

105 


PONTEACH :   OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

commerce.  "Those  of  the  Illinois,"  he  wrote,  "are 
continually  among  the  savages  with  immense  cargoes 
of  goods,  instilling  the  most  pernicious  sentiments  into 
the  minds  of  a  credulous  people,  and  diverting  the 
trade  from  its  proper  channels.'11  Croghan  had  per 
suaded  the  peoples  along  the  Illinois,  the  Wabash,  the 
Chicago,  the  St.  Joseph,  and  the  Saginaw  and  La  Baye 
to  petition  for  a  large  extension  of  British  commercial 
facilities  toward  their  villages,  and  Johnson  was  earn 
estly  trying  to  persuade  the  Board  of  Trade  of  the 
urgent  necessity,  for  both  political  and  economic  rea 
sons,  of  granting  this  extension.  "It  is  not  in  the  power 
of  rny  officer  to  permit  traders  to  go  from  Detroit  or 
Mackinac,"  he  wrote,  "and  the  Indians  will  be  supplied 
this  year  chiefly  from  the  Illinois,  which  is  all  French 
property.  If  trading  posts  are  not  established  at  proper 
places  in  that  country,  soon  the  French  will  carry  the 
best  part  of  the  trade  over  the  Mississippi,  on  whose 
left  bank  they  are  building  a  strong  fort."*  He  had 
for  some  time  been  pushing  a  plan  the  main  provision 
of  which  was  the  establishment,  at  each  western  mili 
tary  post,  of  a  commissary  of  Indian  affairs,  as  respon 
sible  to  him  for  the  conduct  of  the  trade  and  the  main 
tenance  of  amicable  relations  with  the  savages  as  the 
commandant  was  to  Gage  in  military  matters.  In  par 
ticular,  now,  he  was  urging  the  establishment  of  such 
commissaries  at  Detroit,  Mackinac,  and  Fort  Chartres 
on  the  Mississippi,  the  three  stations  which  dominated 
the  western  country.3  That  these  local  superintendents 
should  do  their  work  well  it  was  essential  that  the 
regular  governors  at  their  respective  forts  should  will 
ingly  and  honestly  cooperate  with  them.  The  plan, 
moreover,  was  not  yet  a  certainty,  and  until  it  was  put 

1  Documents  Relative  to  the  Colonial  History  of  New  York,  VII,  775. 
•  Idem,  p.  788.  3  Idem,  p.  808. 

106 


'•.:,;•    '',    •          • 


' 


ROGERS'  APPOINTMENT  AT  MACK1NAC 

in  operation  the  governors  would  adminster  Indian 
affairs,  still  delicate  and  sensitive  as  these  were.  When, 
therefore,  Rogers  —  widely  known  for  his  unscrupulous- 
ness,  and  already  covertly  defiant  of  Johnson — was  given 
the  chief  authority  at  Mackinac,  the  latter  had  reason 
to  be  sincerely  alarmed. 

Rogers  appeared  before  the  northern  superintendent 
at  Johnson  Hall  early  in  February,  sending  his  "Journals 
on  in  advance  "for  perusal";  and  it  was  clear  that  he 
would  soon  be  at  his  post.  At  once  Johnson  arrived  at 
a  determination  that  the  major  must  be  so  hampered  in 
his  new  office  by  restrictions,  so  bound  by  instructions, 
and  so  watched  by  his  superiors,  that  all  the  gates  to 
possible  wrongdoing  would  be  barred,  and  no  latitude 
left  him  to  obstruct  more  than  passively  the  plans  of 
the  Indian  department  or  of  Gage.  "I  am  of  opinion," 
he  said  in  a  letter  to  the  General,1  "that  he  should  be 
tied  up  in  such  a  manner  as  shall  best  prevent  him  do 
ing  mischief.  ...  If  he  is  bound  by  my  orders  in 
everything  relating  to  Indian  affairs,  and  obliged  to 
transmit  regular  reports  of  all  transactions,  I  think  he 
will  not  have  it  in  his  power  to  do  as  much  harm  as 
otherwise;  though  to  prevent  him  from  doing  any  is 
impossible,  for  he  has  been  concerned  in  trade,  and 
will  again  be,  with  those  of  his  connections  in  that 
quarter.  By  his  being  commandant  he  will  have  it  in 
his  power  to  confine  the  trade  in  great  measure  to 
himself  and  friends;  neither  would  he  stick  at  saying 
anything  to  the  Indians,  to  effect  any  of  his  purposes. 
.  .  .  The  only  thing  to  be  done  is  to  point  out  from 
whom  he  is  to  take  his  orders  respecting  Indian  affairs, 
and  the  channels  through  which  his  reports  are  to  be 
transmitted;  and  to  limit  his  expenses  to  pipes,  tobacco, 
and  a  little  liquor  —  unless  when  he  may  be  ordered  to 

1  Johnson  Mss.,  13,  22. 

107 


PONTEACH :   OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

meet  any  body  of  Indians;  and  whenever  they  shall 
address  him  to  send  a  faithful  copy  of  his  speeches." 
His  recommendations  were  followed.  It  was  clearly 
Johnson's  haunting  fear  that  the  pressure  of  Rogers' 
obligations  would  force  him  to  take  criminal  means  to 
supply  his  wants,  and  it  was  to  this  end  that  the  sug 
gested  instructions,  of  which  there  was  no  lack,  harped 
upon  a  frank  and  open  administration  of  Indian  affairs, 
the  chief  theme  of  which  was  to  be  rigid  economy. 
Gage  wrote  in  transmitting  the  major  his  appointment: 
"  I  can't  recommend  to  you  too  strongly  the  strictest 
economy  in  the  small  expenses  that  may  unavoidably 
be  incurred  at  your  post.  Nothing  new  or  chargeable 
must  on  any  account  be  done  by  you  upon  your  own 
head."1  Rogers  was  further  informed  that  in  all  his 
dealings  with  the  savages  he  must  pay  the  strictest 
obedience  to  Johnson,  and  report  as  frequently  to  him 
as  to  the  military  commandant  at  Detroit.  In  June, 
again,  supplementary  instructions  were  issued  to  him 
from  Johnson  Hall,  cautioning  him,  as  Indian  com 
missary,  to  acquaint  himself  with  the  tribes,  to  avoid 
giving  them  any  umbrage,  and  to  see  that  his  garrison 
and  the  traders  committed  no  offense;  and,  above  all, 
to  send  in  exact  copies  of  all  his  proceedings  to  head 
quarters,  under  affidavit,  every  six  months.3  Finally, 
Johnson  took  opportunity  to  hold  a  long  and  earnest 
conference  with  him,  giving  him  minutely  detailed  in 
structions  as  to  his  conduct  toward  the  Indians,  while 
Gage  did  as  much  for  military  affairs;  and  both,  "find 
ing  him  very  desirous  of  some  liberty  in  the  article  of 
expenses,"  cautioned  him  thoroughly  again  to  avoid 
useless  expenditures. 

Throughout    the  spring  of   1766  Johnson  was  still 

1  Johmon  Mss.,  12,  10. 

•  P.  R.  O..C.  O.j,  Vol.  85,  p.  351. 

1 08 


JOHNSON  AND  THE  INDIAN  TRADE 

pushing  his  new  plan  regarding  Indian  affairs;  and 
finally,  by  a  bold  step,  he  determined  upon  its  inaugu 
ration.  He  knew  that  in  this  he  was  as  yet  supported 
by  scant  authority  from  England;  but  Gage  approved 
and  abetted  his  conduct,  and  to  him  the  temper  of  the 
Indians  and  the  ominous  movements  of  the  French  and 
Spanish  on  the  Mississippi  made  the  step  seem  impera 
tive.  The  French  habitants  on  the  Missouri,  Missis 
sippi,  Illinois,  and  Miami,  as  he  pointed  out,  monopo 
lized  most  of  the  trade  in  those  parts;  for  despite  the 
fact  that  they  could  procure  goods  only  at  great  ex 
pense,  the  sensitive  Western  tribesmen  would  go  long 
journeys  in  order  to  barter  their  furs  for  powder,  tobac 
co,  and  cloth  with  those  who  would  treat  with  them 
kindly,  courteously,  and  fairly,  and  not  as  a  debased, 
inferior  people.  Yet  while  he  acknowledged  that  he 
could  never  persuade  the  English  to  offer  the  savages 
more  than  a  polite  civility,  Johnson  was  far  from  de 
spairing  of  weakening  the  French  influence  through  his 
commissaries.  These  men  were  to  ingratiate  themselves 
into  the  favor  of  the  tribes,  by  presents  and  cajolery; 
were  to  supervise  the  various  traders  who  made  the 
posts  their  headquarters,  and  —  putting  a  stop  to  their 
dishonesty  and  cruelty — to  force  them  to  pay  fair 
prices,  to  be  considerate  and  gentle,  and  to  stop  their 
pernicious  traffic  in  rum ;  and  were  to  nip  all  plots 
or  discontents  in  the  bud,  and  counteract  directly  all 
foreign  influences.  "  I  have  for  some  time,"  Johnson 
wrote  to  London  in  January,  1766,  "made  choice  of 
the  best  persons  for  these  offices  at  all  the  posts,  and 
no  time  may  be  lost  after  I  receive  orders  to  appoint 
them;"  and  meanwhile  he  had  called  Pontiac  and  all 
the  chiefs  of  the  West  to  a  conference  at  Oswego,  to 
announce  his  new  plan.1  Finally,  on  March  22,  he 

1  Documents  Relative  to  the  Colonial  Hhtory  of  New  York,  VII,  808  ff. 

109 


PONTEACH :    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

wrote  the  Board  of  Trade  that  he  was  on  the  eve  of 
making  the  necessary  proposed  appointments,  although 
he  was  not  yet  for  some  weeks  to  announce  them.1  "  I 
hope  your  lordship  will  not  disapprove  of  my  conduct," 
he  added,  and  suggested  that  they  might  infer  its  urgen 
cy  from  the  fact  that  the  appointments  would  be  made 
at  risk  of  his  private  fortune.  His  mails  from  that  day 
onward  were  choked  with  applications.  The  great  sig 
nificance  of  his  move  was  clear.  It  meant  that  hence 
forth  the  government  of  the  west  and  .north  was  not  to 
be  purely  military,  but  half-military  and  half-civil,  and 
that  he  and  Gage  would  divide  its  authority.  For  al 
most  a  year  murmurs  of  subordinate  jealousy  from  west 
ern  military  officers  had  greeted  the  proposal,  and  now 
the  moment  for  real  friction  was  at  hand. 

For  a  short  period  during  the  spring  Rogers  was  at 
home  at  Portsmouth ;  and  here  his  wife,  not  yet  fally 
estranged  from  him,  decided  to  accompany  him  to  his 
distant  command.  The  unhappy  woman  was  urged  by 
many  friends,  in  sincere  remonstrance,  to  refrain  from 
a  step  which,  no  less  from  the  character  of  the  major 
than  from  the  location  of  the  post,  was  full  of  uncer 
tainty  and  danger.  Her  father,  however,  animated  by 
a  Puritan  churchman's  sense  of  duty,  exhorted  her  to 
perform  the  full  tenor  of  her  vows,  and  she  herself 
"felt  some  hope  yet  of  winning  her  husband  by  gentle 
ness  and  condescension."8 

Accompanied  by  her,  therefore,  Rogers  set  out  in 
June,  under  orders  from  Johnson  to  proceed  to  Oswego, 
and  take  charge  there  of  the  preparations  for  the  im 
pending  congress  of  the  western  Indians.  Here,  at  the 
little  fort  and  village  planted  at  the  mouth  of  Oswego 

1  Documents  Relative  to  the  Colonial  History  of  New  Tork,  VII,  817. 
a  Elizabeth  Rogers'  Petition  of  February  uf  1778,  to  the  New  Hampshire 
Assembly. 


I  10 


THE  CONFERENCE  AT  OSWEGO 

River,  were  now  gathering  the  chiefs  of  the  Potawa- 
tomi,  Huron,  and  Chippewa,  and  the  principal  men  of 
the  Ottawa,  all  anxiously  awaiting  the  coming  of  Pon- 
tiac,  their  leader  and  most  accomplished  diplomatist, 
who  since  the  failure  of  his  conspiracy  had  been  a 
wanderer  in  the  Illinois  country. 

On  the  English  side  the  chief  representatives  were 
to  be,  besides  Johnson  and  Rogers,  Daniel  Claus,  head 
of  Indian  affairs  in  the  province  of  Quebec,  Edward 
Cole,  newly  appointed  commissary  at  Fort  de  Chartres, 
Jehu  Hay,  holding  the  same  office  at  Detroit,  and  — 
most  interesting  of  all  —  Lieutenant  Benjamin  Roberts, 
one  of  Johnson's  most  trusted  aids,  and  commissary  at 
Oswego  since  the  preceding  April.1  The  meeting  of 
the  major  with  this  last  officer,  already  of  course  on 
the  spot,  was  curiously  watched,  for  it  was  rumored  that 
the  commissary  was  soon  to  be  sent  out  to  Mackinac 
to  take  over  a  share  of  Rogers'  responsibility  in  Indian 
relations,  and  there  were  many  points  in  the  tempera 
ment  of  each  that  seemed  prophetic  of  a  clash  between 
them.  Roberts  was  an  experienced  English  officer,  still 
young,  who  had  been  with  Rogers'  corps  in  1757,  and 
had  participated  in  many  of  the  most  fatiguing  expedi 
tions.  His  zeal  in  ingratiating  himself  with  the  Indians 
had  first  recommended  him  to  Johnson's  notice.  He 
early  learned  the  Mohawk  language,  and  because  of 
this,  and  a  very  curious  incident,  the  savages  of  New 
York  took  a  violent  fancy  to  him.a  While  at  garrison 
at  Schenectady  in  1759,  the  gentlemen  and  ladies  acted 
"  Othello,"  before  an  audience  room  crowded  with 
chiefs  and  braves,  most  of  whom  were  wrought  up  to 
an  extraordinary  pitch  of  curiosity.  The  gallantly  at- 

1  Documents  Relative  to  the  Colonial  History  of  New  Torkt  VII,  850  ff. 
a  This  biographical  material  is  drawn  from  two  long  petitions  of  Roberts', 
dated   May  27  and  June  9,  1773,  among  the  unpublished   Dartmouth  Mss. 


PONTEACH :   OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

tired  Roberts  strutted  upon  the.  stage  as  Lodovico, 
saluted  by  a  fanfare  of  trumpets,  and  responding  to  a 
general  burst  of  acclamations  by  repeatedly  doffing  a 
hat  of  truly  Venetian  courtliness.  The  Indians  were  so 
much  struck  by  his  general  appearance,  especially  by  his 
plumed  headpiece,  that  they  concluded  him  to  be  a  per 
sonage  of  exalted  importance;  and  he  confirmed  their 
awed  admiration  by  giving  them  both  his  hat  and  vel 
vet  cloak,  for  which  they  could  not  be  sufficiently 
grateful.  In  the  last  years  of  the  war  he  served  at  Fort 
Stanwix,  near  Niagara.  Everywhere  and  always  he 
flattered  the  Indians;  everywhere  he  mastered  their 
dialect;  everywhere  he  acquainted  himself  with  their 
customs  and  temper.  He  even  reconciled  himself  to 
marrying  an  influential  old  squaw,  a  virago  of  whom 
he  spoke  as  one  of  the  most  frightful  of  human  beings. 
In  1766,  when  his  regiment  was  ordered  back  to  Eng 
land,  Johnson  stopped  him  to  engage  him  in  "  settling 
disputes  between  the  Western  Indians  and  the  Six  Na 
tions,  and  to  help  regulate  the  Indian  trade.'1  He  was 
an  intimate  and  a  favorite  of  Johnson's;  a  faithful,  sin 
cere  officer,  and  an  ardent  partisan  of  those  with  whom 
his  interest  was  enlisted.  His  zeal  in  military  and  tribal 
matters  had  involved  him  heavily  in  debt,  from  which, 
however,  he  was  unwilling  to  extricate  himself  by  un 
principled  means.  With  all  his  fine  moral  temper  and 
efficient  conscientiousness  there  seems  to  have  been  in 
termixed  a  heavy  streak  of  impulsiveness  and  emotion 
alism.  A  rude,  frank,  impatient  man  like  Rogers  was 
sure  to  seem  dangerous  to  him,  just  as  Roberts  had 
seemed  troublesome  and  pettish  to  many  of  his  superiors. 
With  everything  in  tension  at  the  little  fort  for  the 
coming  conference,  at  which  Pontiac  was  expected  to 
give  in  his  adherence  to  British  rule,  the  two  men  were 
not  long  in  quarreling.  The  major  seized  the  reins  of 


12 


THE  CONFERENCE  AT  OSWEGO 

affairs  officiously,  for  his  military  jealousy  of  the  com 
missary  was  not  diminished  by  the  report  that  such  a 
faithful  servant  of  Johnson  Hall  was  likely  soon  to  be 
come  his  co-worker  at  his  new  post;  and  the  brusque- 
ness  with  which  he  treated  Roberts  soon  had  its  upshot 
in  a  sharp  quarrel  as  to  their  respective  powers.1  At  the 
mouth  of  the  Oswego  River,  and  on  its  farther  shore, 
Captain  Peeke  Fuller  of  the  post  had  tentatively  sta 
tioned  a  number  of  traders.  Their  position  there  was  in 
accordance  with  the  wishes  of  Johnson,  as  local  condi 
tions  made  it  possible  to  control  their  trade  more  ef 
fectually  on  that  side;  for  military  reasons,  however, 
Rogers  set  about  transferring  them  to  a  point  near  the 
walls  of  the  fort.  When  Roberts  protested,  he  was 
peremptorily  silenced,  and  his  quotation  of  Johnson's 
authority  availed  naught.  The  controversy  grew  into 
one  in  which  Rogers  refused  decisively  to  respect  John 
son's  general  orders  that  his  commissaries  were  to  be 
obeyed  in  all  affairs  pertaining  to  the  trade.  "  He 
thinks,"  wrote  the  humiliated  Roberts,  "that  he  is  not 
to  obey  all  orders  that  do  not  come  directly  from  the 
general."2  Petty  in  itself,  the  incident  showed  the  de 
termination  of  the  newly-appointed  governor  to  assert 
his  independence  as  a  military  commandant,  even 
against  the  authority  of  Sir  William;  and  it  is  signi 
ficant  as  the  beginning  of  his  relations  with  one  who 
was  later  his  chief  enemy. 

The  congress  with  the  Indians  began  July  23,  in  the 
shade  of  some  magnificent  trees  between  the  river  and 
the  parade-ground  of  the  fort,  and  endured .  three  days. 
The  temper  of  the  savages  at  the  moment  demanded 
immediate  appeasal.  "The  injuries  and  slights  they 
have  met  with,"  had  written  Johnson,  "give  us  no 
room  to  upbraid  them.  Our  people  on  the  frontier 

1  Johnson  Mss.t  13,  93.  3  Idem,  12,  232. 


PONTEACH:   OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

seem  determined  to  bring  on  a  new  war  in  the  face  of 
their  own  ruin.  Twenty  murders  upon  them  have  been 
treacherously  committed  within  the  six  months  past." ' 
He  represented  himself  as  at  his  wits'  end  for  means  to 
stop  the  provocations  of  the  whites,  and  urged  con 
stantly  upon  the  home  government  the  clothing  of  the 
commissaries  with  new  power.  "  I  cannot  check  their 
grievances,"  he  said,  "and  the  commissaries  are  in  the 
same  situation.  They  have  an  office  and  a  duty  laid 
down  for  them,  but  no  power  to  execute  it.  To  answer 
the  purposes  of  the  appointment  they  must  be  empow 
ered  to  see  commerce  equitably  conducted,  and  justice 
executed."  His  querulous  plea  arose  doubtless  in  part 
from  such  instances  as  Rogers'  disrespectful  handling  of 
Roberts.  Yet  he  spoke  boldly  to  the  Indians  of  the 
new  scheme,  as  well  as  of  the  measures  for  checking 
the  outrages  of  frontier  farmers  along  the  Alleghanies. 
"You  begin  already,"  he  addressed  them,  "to  see  and 
feel  the  fruits  of  peace,  from  the  number  of  traders  and 
plenty  of  goods  at  all  our  garrisoned  posts,  and  are  en 
joying  the  peaceable  possession  of  Illinois.  You  will 
likewise  now  see  that  proper  officers,  men  of  honor 
and  probity,  are  appointed  to  reside  at  the  posts,  to 
prevent  abuses  in  trade."  He  exhorted  them  to  confine 
their  commerce  to  the  forts,  pointing  out  the  impossi 
bility  of  checking  fraud  if  they  refused.  To  all  this  the 
Indians  gravely  bowed.  "We  heartily  thank  you,  father, 
for  having  appointed  the  commissaries,  and  for  not  let 
ting  the  traders  straggle  through  the  woods  to  our  vil 
lages,  but  to  trade  only  at  the  posts ;  it  was  not  prudent 
to  let  them  ramble  where  they  pleased,  but  there  will 
be  no  danger  along  the  waters  to  the  forts,  and  we  shall 
be  justly  dealt  with,"  said  Tiata,  chief  of  the  Huron, 
and  all  promised  their  furtherance  of  the  plan,  accept- 

1  Documents  Relative  to  the  Colonial  History  of  New  Torkt  VII,  851. 

"4 


ROGERS*  ARRIVAL  AT  MACKINAC 

ing  it  as  an  earnest  of  the  love  of  the  English  people.1 
After  further  parley,  and  Pontiac's  final  submission,  the 
congress  broke  up  to  general  satisfaction. 

In  the  early  days  of  August,  Rogers  and  his  wife, 
with  Rogers'  secretary  Potter,  arrived  at  Mackinac, 
having  come  through  by  way  of  Niagara,  Detroit,  and 
the  lakes.  The  post  stood  then  on  a  bold  point  a  mile 
or  two  west  of  the  present  site  of  Mackinac  City,  just 
south  of  and  overlooking  the  straits;  and  to  arrive  at  it 
Rogers  passed  the  beautiful  Mackinac  Island,  its  high, 
blanched  limestone  cliffs,  crowned  and  backed  by  heavy 
pine  forests,  rising  in  irregular  splendor  from  the  lake. 
Newly  rebuilt  since  Pontiac's  war,  the  fort  was  not  a 
prepossessing  structure,  for  it  was  neither  commodious 
nor  strong;  and  its  situation,  among  monotonous  sand- 
dunes  that  ran  back  for  a  long  distance  before  they 
were  broken  by  the  odorous  woods  of  cedar  and  pine, 
was  bleak  in  winter  and  baking  hot  in  summer.  Heavy 
barracks  rose  near  the  fort  proper,  and  at  some  distance 
stood  the  French  village  of  Mackinac,  a  cluster  of 
white-plastered  log  houses,  defining  the  extremities  of 
the  long,  narrow,  rectangular  plot  in  which  the  villagers 
cultivated  their  land.  In  front  —  the  opposite  shore 
outlined  by  well-wooded  heights  —  spread  the  brief 
straits,  widening  away  on  either  hand  into  the  lovely 
waters  of  Huron  and  Michigan.  The  little  garrison 
numbered  two  companies,3  and  Captain  Spiessmacher, 
a  German  officer  at  its  head,  resigned  the  position  of 
chief  command  into  Rogers'  hands.  The  latter  installed 
himself  within  the  most  comfortable  of  the  officers' 
houses  within  the  stockade  walls,  and  set  himself  to 
gaining  a  full  acquaintanceship  with  his  new  duties 
and  opportunities.  He  had  left  Roberts  behind  at 

1  Documents  Relative  to  the  Colonial  History  of  New  Tork,  VII,  854. 
8  P.  R.  O.,  C.  O.  5,  Vol.  85,  p.  155. 

"5 


PONTEACH :   OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

Niagara,  and  except  for  his  ironclad  oral  and  written 
instructions,  he  was  invested  with  full  powers  as  com 
mander  of  the  garrison  and  agent  of  Indian  affairs. 
With  a  full  appreciation  of  the  isolation  of  his  post — 
for  Detroit  was  a  long  week's  journey  behind  him,  and 
a  rigorous  winter,  which  would  stop  all  communica 
tion  with  the  east,  but  a  few  months  away — his  feeling 
was  one  of  autocratic  independence.  Except  for  his 
instructions  from  Gage  and  Johnson,  which  he  now 
might  with  temporary  security  entirely  disregard,  his 
own  affairs  and  those  of  the  region  were  under  the 
direct  guidance  of  his  hand.  He  could  undertake 
whatever  ambitious  administrative  schemes  he  deemed 
best,  and  —  if  fair  fortune  offered  —  attempt  a  replen 
ishment  of  his  exhausted  purse,  free  from  all  but  the 
most  distant  supervision.  From  his  temper  and  his  pre 
vious  financial  irresponsibility  it  was  clear  he  would  not 
halt  at  heavy  bills  when  impressed  with  the  opportu 
nity  of  carrying  through  some  striking,  largely-con 
ceived  scheme;  and  that  in  affairs  with  the  tribes  he 
would  regard  himself  as  chiefly  responsible  to  Gage, 
and  would  order  matters  of  trade  and  of  Indian  rela 
tions  with  but  scant  deference  to  Johnson. 

This  last,  indeed,  was  immediately  evident.  Johnson 
had  given  to  Rogers,  as  to  all  the  commissaries,  strict 
est  orders  that  the  Indian  trade  was  to  be  confined  to 
the  immediate  vicinity  of  the  fort;  that  the  packs  of 
the  dealers  were  to  be  opened,  as  far  as  possible,  only 
under  the  commandant's  eyes;  that  no  cheating  was  to 
be  allowed,  and  a  fixed  scale  of  prices,  which  Johnson 
himself  scheduled,  was  to  be  enforced ;  and  that  the 
commandant  should  control  jealously  the  entire  issu 
ance  of  rum  to  the  Indians.  The  general  order  was 
clearly  repugnant  to  one  who,  like  Rogers,  knew  in 
timately  the  circumstances  under  which  the  traffic  in 

116 


ROGERS'  ARRIVAL  AT  MACKINAC 

furs  went  on  in  the  northwest.  Ever  since  the  founda 
tion  of  the  fur-trade  by  the  French  coureurs-de-bois  the 
tribes  of  the  region  had  parted  with  their  peltry  on  the 
very  hunting-ground  upon  which  they  did  their  winter 
shooting  and  trapping.  The  market  had  been  an  itin 
erant  one;  and  following  the  various  villages  of  braves 
into  the  snowy  wilderness  each  winter,  the  French  ad 
venturer,  with  his  cloth,  trinkets,  liquor,  hatchets,  guns, 
grease,  and  provisions  of  powder  and  shot,  had  saved 
them  the  necessity  of  interrupting  their  hunts  for  a  long, 
exhausting  trip,  over  choked  trails,  to  a  central  depot 
of  stores.  Adopting  the  Indian's  ways,  learning  even  his 
dialect,  by  tact  and  kindliness  reaching  his  very  heart, 
the  wandering  trader  would  sleep  at  nigh^  in  his  wig-- 
warn,  warm  himself  by  h^  fire,  eat  at  his  rude  board, 
and,  indeed,  make  himself  a  member  of  the  savage 
community.  He  had  a  supply  of  exchangeable  goods 
always  in  the  sight  of  the  eager  tribesmen,  who  knew 
the  sole  commodity  by  the  barter  of  which  they  could 
procure  any  desired  article,  and  set  themselves  to  secure 
it;  he  could  give  them  necessities,  as  of  weapons,  or 
ammunition,  or  tools,  on  the  spot;  he  could  save  them 
the  occasion  of  leaving  their  wives  and  children  a  prey 
to  starvation,  and  their  country  to  hostile  tribes,  while 
they  carried  their  growing  packs  in  to  market.  More 
than  that,  he  could  penetrate  to  far-off  peoples,  and 
bring  back  bundles  of  fur  that  else  would  never  have 
touched  a  Caucasian  hand.  Far  beyond  the  pioneer 
clearing,  far  beyond  the  garrison,  he  was  the  real 
vidette  of  commerce  and  civilization.  Rogers  knew 
that  to  keep  the  traders  under  the  walls  of  his  fort 
would  cut  in  ha;f  the  commercial  importance  of 
Mackinac,  and  he  lost  no  time  in  resolving  to  disobey 
Johnson's  injunction.  Immediately  upon  his  arrival  he 
issued  a  general  permit  to  all  traders  to  "go  wintering," 

117 


PONTEACH:   OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

and  follow  the  Indians  along  their  trails  to  the  coverts 
of  the  lynx,  the  mink,  and  the  beaver. 

"For  this,"  wrote  the  indignant  Daniel  Claus,  super 
intendent  of  the  district,  from  Montreal,  "he  is  vastly 
liked  and  applauded  here."1  The  approbation  of  Mon 
treal  was  indeed  fervent.  In  the  merchant  houses  of 
that  city  centered  almost  all  the  channels  of  trade  which 
drained  the  Mackinac  district.  Trafficking  in  old  French 
fashion,  and  with  their  factors  on  every  trail  in  Ontario 
and  Michigan,  these  firms  had  been  the  earliest  and 
most  active  in  their  opposition  to  Johnson's  plan.  They 
foresaw  that  their  agents  at  Oswego,  Niagara,  Detroit, 
and  above  all  at  Mackinac,  dealing  with  peoples  who 
for  generations  to  them  almost  immemorial  had  sold 
from  the  hunting  lodge  and  thicket,  would  be  ruined 
by  the  new  policy.  They  had  not  contented  themselves 
with  direct  protests  to  Johnson ;  they  had  instructed  / 
the  Indians  of  the  west  and  north  to  send  in  pleas  that/ 
each  of  their  multitudinous  villages  along  the  Illinois/ 
Wisconsin,  Saguenay,  and  Ottawa  might  be  allowed/a 
trader,  pleas  that  multiplied  throughout  1765  and  1766; 
and  they  had  induced  a  large  number  of  the  inhabitants 
of  Montreal  to  sign  a  petition  presented  to  the  Lords 
of  Trade  in  May,  1766,  setting  forth  the  incalculable 
damage  being  wrought  the  commerce  of  his  Majesty's 
subjects  by  the  new  regulations,  and  praying  for  a  re 
dress.'  Pressure  had  been  brought,  too,  upon  Rogers' 
predecessor,  Captain  Howard,  who  had  been  con 
strained  by  clamor  and  influence  to  release  a  number 
of  the  traders  from  the  most  irksome  of  the  restric 
tions;  so  that  the  major's  decisive  step  had  not  been 
without  its  indecisive  precedent.  Johnson  had  pro 
tested  most  vigorously,  however,  at  the  course  of 

1  Johnson  Mss.t  13,  134. 

*  Documents  Relative  /?  the  Colonial  History  of  New  Torkt  VII,  871. 

118 


ROGERS'  ARRIVAL  AT  MACKINAC 

Howard,  who  had  been  saved  from  a  severe  visitation 
of  official  wrath  only  by  the  recall  which  installed 
Rogers  in  his  stead.  Now  the  latter,  by  letting  not 
merely  several,  but  all  of  the  traders,  go  en  bivernement, 
had  placed  himself  in  the  full  path  of  the  Indian 
Commissioner's  biting  anger.  This  he  knew  so  fully 
that  he  may  well  have  been  guided  in  his  complaisance 
toward  certain  of  the  factors  by  interested  motives. 

Rogers,  indeed,  began  fast  to  make  friends  about  the 
fort;  and  we  know,  from  the  records  concerning  the 
latter  part  of  his  administration,  the  names  of  the  more 
important  of  these,  all  men  interested  in  the  trade: 
Atkinson,  Goddard,  Stuart,  Des  Rivieres,  and  Tute,  the 
last-named  a  New  Hampshire  neighbor  with  whom 
Rogers  had  had  business  dealings  three  years  before.1 
The  most  memorable  of  his  relationships  at  the  incep 
tion  of  his  duties,  however,  was  with  a  needy  adven 
turer  who  had  followed  him  out  from  the  east  upon  a 
previous  understanding  —  Jonathan  Carver.  This  offi 
cer,  slightly  older  than  Rogers,  had  first  come  into 
contact  with  the  leader  of  the  Rangers  in  the  fighting 
about  Lake  George,  where  he  also  had  served  as  a 
provincial  captain.'  He  was  a  native  of  Connecticut, 

1  See  various  deeds  kept  at  the  office  of"  the  Secretary  of  State  in  Concord, 
New  Hampshire.  Tute  had  also  served  as  a  lieutenant  in  the  Rangers  under 
Rogers  in  the  Seven  Years  War  and  was  captured  while  on  a  scout  from  Fort 
Edward  in  1760;  Rogers'  Journals,  p.  132.  He  was  one  of  Rogers'  most 
trusted  friends  and  agents.  Stuart  also  had  been  an  adjutant  in  the  Rangers  under 
Rogers.  James  Stanley  Goddard  was  one  of  the  earliest  traders  from  Montreal  in 
the  upper  country,  and  in  1761  was  operating  from  Mackinac  and  Green  Bay. 
After  Pontiac's  Conspiracy  he  became  one  of  the  most  prominent  merchants  in  the 
Northwest,  and  Claus  wrote  Johnson  in  1768  that  he  had  more  influence  among 
the  Indians  there  than  any  other  single  man.  In  1777  he  was  commissioned  gen 
eral  storekeeper  for  the  government,  at  Montreal,  a  position  which  he  held  as  late 
as  1795.  In  1767  Carver  named  a  river  emptying  into  Lake  Superior  after  him. 
Johnson  Mss. ,  1 6,  I  34.  Wisconsin  Historical  Coll. ,  XVIII,  2 8  5 ;  Carver's  Travels. 

a  This  information  is  most  largely  drawn  from  petitions  of  Carver's  presented 
to  the  Board  of  Trade  when  he  went  to  England  in  1769  to  secure  his  expenses 
for  his  journey  ;  sec  Board  of  Trade,  Commercial  Papers,  Volume  459. 

119 


PONTEACH :   OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

born,  like  Rogers,  into  a  frontier  community,  and  left 
fatherless  at  an  even  earlier  age,  though  amid  surround 
ings  vastly  better  for  his  education.  Wounded  at  the 
massacre  of  Fort  William  Henry,  he  had  written  a 
vivid  and  stirring  account  of  that  sorry  occurrence. 
He  was  retired  from  the  service  in  1763,  returning  to 
Massachusetts,  where  his  company  had  been  raised,  and 
apparently  dragging  out  a  rather  painful  civil  existence 
there  for  the  next  two  years.  Now,  in  the  middle  of 
August,  he  was  at  Mackinac,  head  bent  with  the  major 
over  vast  plans  which  centered  about  one  wild  surmise, 
In  one  way,  perhaps  through  hearing  of  Rogers' 
petition  of  1765,  more  probably  through  meeting  him 
upon  his  return  from  London,  Carver  had  been  struck 
with  the  possibility  of  aiding  the  governor  of  Mack 
inac  in  carrying  out,  upon  a  modest  scale,  his  glorious 
scheme  for  the  discovery  of  the  semi-fabulous  North 
west  Passage.  In  his  published  travels  he  long  after 
attempted  to  arrogate  to  himself  the  credit  for  his  ex 
pedition,1  saying  that  he  was  independently  struck  by 
the  possibility  in  it  of  performing  a  further  service  to 
the  king ;  but  it  has  already  been  shown  that  Rogers 
had  made  a  similar  proposal  to  the  ministry  in  1765, 
so  that  he  has  a  better  claim  to  be  the  originator  of 
the  plan.2  Carver's  missions  would  have  in  his  own 

1  Introduction,    Travels    Through  the   Interior   Part  of  North  America,   by 
J.  Carver,  London,  1779. 

2  There  has  been  a  very  considerable  reaction  from  the  complete  condemnation 
of  Carver's  Travels,  since  the  publication  of  E.  C.  Bourne's  destructive  criticism, 
American  Historical  Review,  XI,   2,  p.  287.     The  study  of  Carver's  career  by 
John  T.  Lee  in  the  Wisconsin  Historical  Society's  Proceedings,  1912,  pp.  87- 
123,    Ibid,  1909,   pp.   143-153,   has  completely  overthrown  most  of  Professor 
Bourne's  contentions,  and,  as  far  as  his  actual  travels  are  concerned,  Carver  is  re- . 
garded  to-day  by  historians  as  a  reliable  witness.     See  also  M.  M.  Quaife,    The 
Evolution  of  Source  Material  for  Western  History,  in  Mississippi  Galley  Historical 
Review,  I,  167  and  following  (September,  1914).    It  is  interesting  to  note  that 
for  Carver's  descriptions  of  th£  beaver,  bear,  and  porcupine,  pp.  282,  274,  and 
279  of  the  Travels,  he  drew  almost  verbatim  upon  Rogers'  paragraphs  upon  the 
same,  pp.  253,  259,  and  263  of  the  Concise  Account. 


120 


ROGERS  AND  CARVEU'S  EXPLORATIONS 

ambitions  an  almost  inexplicable  origin ;  he  must  have 
known  that  he,  a  landless,  almost  penniless  officer, 
could  never  have  financed  it;  and  if  he  had  conceived 
it  alone  it  is  unbelievuble  that  he  would  not  have 
sought  some  official  approbation  for  it.  Three  years 
later  in  London,  at  the  very  moment  Rogers  was  col 
lecting  his  personal  expenses  in  the  expedition,  Carver 
secured  his  own  share  by  swearing  before  the  Privy 
Council  for  Plantation  Affairs  that  it  was  only  in 
consequence  of  the  governor's  commission  that  he 
undertook  the  journey.1  Finally,  we  gather  from  a 
letter  of  Claus'  to  Johnson  that  Rogers  had  returned 
from  England  still  quite  full  of  the  plan  he  had 
broached  there  —  so  full  that  he  was  willing  to  seize 
the  opportunity  his  new  authority  gave  him.9  The 
enterprise  was  rapidly  put  under  way.  In  June,  while 
Rogers  was  in  New  England  or  New  York,  Carver 
set  out  from  Boston,  and  taking  the  same  ship  as  his 
superior,3  apparently  arrived  with  him,  or  at  any  rate 

1  Board  of  Trade,  Commercial  Papers,  Volume  459. 

3  Johnson  Mss.,  16,  134.  Claus  speaks  of  Lieutenant  Pauli  of  the  Royal 
Americans  having  proposed  to  him  in  confidence  a  plan  for  an  expedition  north 
west  of  Lake  Superior,  "he  having  made  himself  acquainted  with  the  discoveries 
of  several  nations  at  sea,  particularly  those  of  the  Russians,  which  latter  gave  him 
great  encouragement"  ;  and  compares  Pauli' s  fitness  for  the  journey  with  that  of 
Rogers,  as  the  originator  of  an  earlier  and  similar  scheme,  which  Rogers  was  still 
hopeful  of  carrying  out. 

3  It  seems  impossible  to  determine  just  when  or  how  Carver  arrived  at  Mack- 
inac ;  for  deliberately  or  otherwise,  his  Travels  throw  a  great  deal  of  dust  about 
those  of  his  movements  which  immediately  preceded  the  initiation  of  his  expedition. 
In  1 766  the  only  schooner  plying  between  Detroit  and  Mackinac  was  the  Gladtvin, 
which  had  played  such  a  part  in  the  siege  of  Detroit :  if  he  arrived  upon  it  he 
almost  certainly  came  with  Rogers,  for  trips  were  infrequent,  and  he  was  at  the 
post  early  in  August.  He  may,  however,  have  come  by  canoe.  It  may  as  well 
be  remarked  here  as  anywhere,  that  throughout  his  book  Carver  seems  anxious  to 
exclude  Rogers'  name  from  any  connection  with  his  travels,  and  makes  no  mention 
whatever  of  him  in  narrating  his  return  to  Mackinac  at  the  end  of  the  summer 
of  1767.  He  speaks  merely  of  the  tranquil  pleasures  of  fishing  and  of  the  pass 
ing  of  the  time  in  pleasant  company,  during  the  stirring  months  in  which  Rogers  was 
arrested,  kept  in  irons,  and  the  entire  settlement  was  rull  of  excitement.  In  a  letter 
from  the  fort  to  his  wife,  September  24,  1767,  he  states  that  the  date  of  his  arri- 


121 


PONTEACH :   OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

not  many  days  behind  him,  at  the  straits,  thirteen  hun 
dred  miles  to  the  west.  The  prompt  assistance  which 
the  major,  so  new  at  his  post,  rendered  him,  far  beyond 
the  measures  of  his  legal  powers,  is  almost  indubitable 
evidence  of  previous  collusion.  On  August  12  Rogers 
issued  Carver  a  commission  as  leader  of  a  special  ex 
ploring  detail  from  the  fort,  at  a  salary  of  eight  shil 
lings  daily,  "for  the  purpose  of  making  surveys  of  the 
interior,  especially  to  the  west  and  northwest,"  and 
outlining  carefully  the  route  to  be  followed.1 

He  endowed  Carver  and  his  companions  liberally 
with  supplies,  promised  to  send  more  to  the  Falls  of 
St.  Anthony,  and  advised  him  as  carefully  as  his  superior 
knowledge  of  the  Indians  and  the  West  warranted  him. 
The  hopes  and  fears  of  both  officers  were  high.  If  the 
exploration  succeeded  in  even  a  portion  of  its  objects 
it  would  benefit  both  immeasurably.  The  West,  in  all 
its  rich  resources,  its  scenery,  and  its  Indian  life,  was 
unknown;  its  plains,  rivers,  mountains,  unmapped;  the 
routes  to  the  western  ocean  but  conjectural.  To  pene 
trate  it  would  be  at  once  to  confer  a  benefit  upon  science 
and  geography,  to  give  England  a  claim  to  its  posses 
sion,  to  open  it  to  settlement,  and  perhaps,  if  a  water 
passage  above  the  "Ouragon"  did  not  prove  mythical, 

val  was  August  30;  while  in  his  Travels  he  puts  it  "at  the  beginning  of  Novem 
ber."  In  this  letter  he  further  says  that  "on  my  return  to  this  place,  I  received 
the  thanks  of  the  Governor  Commandant,  who  has  promised  he  will  take  special 
care  to  acquaint  the  government  at  home  of  my  services,"  and  that  "I  have  two 
hundred  pounds  sterling  due  to  me  from  the  crown,  which  I  shall  have  in  the 
spring."  Published  by  John  T.  Lee  in  Wisconsin  Historical  Society  Proceedings, 
1909,  p.  149,  and  in  The  Nation,  New  York,  Volume  XCIX,  161.  Carver  re 
turned  to  his  family  at  Montague,  Massachusetts,  in  August,  1768. 

1  Board  of  Trade,  Commercial  Papers,  Volume  459.  Carver  says  he  never 
received  the  provisions  which  Rogers  promised  to  send  him  to  the  Falls  of  St. 
Anthony  ;  but  it  is  certain  that  they  were  sent  to  him,  for  Rogers  was  later  paid 
for  them.  The  fact  that  Carver  used  that  part  of  Rogers'  plan  of  1765  which 
appointed  the  Falls  as  headquarters  for  the  first  winter  may  have  a  slight  signi 
ficance.  Sec  Carver's  Petition  of  Feb.  10,  1773,  in  the  Earl  of  Dartmouth'' s  Mss., 
(unpublished). 


ROGERS  AND  CARVER'S  EXPLORATIONS 

to  give  a  new  impulse  to  commerce.  On  the  third  day 
of  September,  Carver  set  forth  with  several  traders  and 
guides  down  Lake  Michigan.  The  trip  was  destined  to 
do  much  less,  and  much  more,  than  was  expected  of  it ; 
it  was  to  discover  no  Northwest  passage,  and  to  map 
no  vast  extent  of  unknown  territory ;  but  it  was  to  give 
birth  to  a  book  of  travel  which  should  arouse  European 
curiosity  for  America  as  no  other  ever  had,  and  to  in 
terest  Schiller,  Chateaubriand,  and  Byron.1  As  stout 
paddlers  drove  the  canoes  out  over  the  choppy  waters 
of  the  straits,  the  cheers  of  the  garrison  bade  the  ex 
plorers  farewell.  Before  they  returned  affairs  at  the 
fort  were  to  undergo  a  momentous  revolution. 

During  the  autumn  and  early  winter  Rogers  con 
tinued  his  government  in  the  most  ambitious  fashion. 
His  chief  concern,  after  granting  the  traders  their  de 
sired  immunity  from  Johnson's  rules,  was  to  secure  the 
favor  and  friendship  of  the  tribes  of  the  northwest. 
The  Indians  in  the  vicinity  of  the  fort  he  immediately 
found  means  of  pleasing.  The  same  traders  that  re 
joiced  Montreal  and  angered  Claus  with  their  reports 
of  Rogers'  freedom  with  the  trade  brought  news  also 
that  "his  behavior  toward  the  Indians  was  liked  and 
approved  by  them,  as  well  as  the  people  of  Mack- 
inac."3  Generosity,  flattery,  and  a  liberality  of  fair 
promises  characterized  his  treatment  of  his  red  chil 
dren.  But  to  gain  the  golden  opinions  of  those  near 
the  fort,  while  he  merely  indulged  the  others  with 

1  In  evidence  of  the  astonishing  popularity  of  Carver's  Travels  John  T.  Lee 
enumerates  thirty  editions,  with  translations  into  German,  French,  and  Dutch. 
(Wisconsin  Historical  Society  Proceedings,  1909,  pp.  143-183.)  "From  Car 
ver's  Travels  Chateaubriand  drew  not  a  few  of  the  descriptions  of  Indian  customs 
for  his  fascinating  and  poetic  Vujage  en  Amerique.  From  the  same  source  Schiller 
derived  the  language  and  thought  for  his  Nadowessier's  Todtenlied,  f3miliar  to 
English  readers  through  Bulwer-Lytton's  translation  as  Tbe  Indian's  Death 
Dirge.**  Joseph  Bedier,  Etudes  Critiques ,  Paris,  1903,  on  Chateaubrknd. 

3  Johnson  Mss.t  13,   134. 

113 


PONTEACH:   OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

traders,  did  not  satisfy  him.  Only  a  few  weeks  after 
his  arrival,  therefore,  he  sent  forth  an  embassy  among 
the  faraway  Folles  Avoines,  Puan,  Saux,  Renard,  Chip- 
pewa,  and  Sioux,  under  Goddard  and  Des  Rivieres, 
ostensibly  to  notify  them  of  his  assumption  of  the  com 
mand  of  Mackinac,  of  the  concluding  of  peace  between 
Pontiac  and  the  English,  and  of  the  occupation  of  Illi 
nois.1  The  dwellings  of  these  tribes  were  scattered  over 
the  great  distances  of  Wisconsin,  Michigan,  northern 
Illinois,  and  even  the  immediate  trans-Mississippi  region; 
but  the  undaunted  embassy  loaded  itself  for  its  long 
journey  with  numerous  presents.  Despite  all  the  cau 
tions  he  had  received,  Rogers  succeeded  in  spending 
^300  in  Indian  affairs  within  the  first  six  weeks  after 
his  arrival,  and  duly  drew  a  draft  for  this  amount  upon 
Johnson.*  Moreover,  his  disbursements  continued  to  be 
heavy.  The  great  tribe  of  the  Chippewa,  residing  for 
the  most  part  above  the  Ottawa  river  and  north  and 
west  along  Lake  Superior,  were  threatening  a  war  with 
the  Sioux,  and  were  trying  to  involve  in  it  their  allies, 
the  Ottawas  and  Pottawattomies,  both  Michigan  tribes. 
This  conflict  Rogers  labored  anxiously  to  prevent,  fear 
ing  that  it  would  disrupt  the  whole  western  trade;  and 
his  protests  to  the  chiefs  he  again  enforced  by  expensive 
presents.3  His  messengers  he  kept  out  all  winter,  and 
he  even  found  means  to  intercept  roving  bands  of 
tribesmen,  whom  he  conciliated  over-generously.  By 
Christmas  his  expenditures  had  necessitated  a  second 

1  New  Tor k  Coloi^al  Documents,  VII,  989.  Documentary  History  of  New  Tor kt 
II,  863.  Johnson  Mss.,  15,  125  ;  13  :  74  and  89.  Near  the  St.  Croix  River 
in  November,  I  766,  Carver  mediated  a  peace  between  the  Sioux  and  a  band  of 
hostile  Chippewa. 

a  Documentary  History  of  New  Tor  k,  II,  848.     Johnson  Mss.,  13,  74  and  89. 

3  See  New  Tork  Colonial  Documents,  VII,  966,  969  (where  Johnson  says  the 
expense  incurred  on  this  head  "contrary  to  orders  within  a  few  months  amounts 
to  several  thousand  pounds,  apparently  to  serve  the  interests  of  a  few  traders"), 
989.  Johnson  Mss.,  15,  26. 


DISSIPATION  OF  ROGERS 

draft  on  Johnson  for  about  ^500,  with  more  immedi 
ately  to  follow.1 

Simultaneously  Rogers  was  becoming  personally  much 
entangled,  and  deeply  dissipated.  Most  of  the  goods  for 
his  lavish  gifts  he  had  secured  on  credit  from  the  favor 
ably-impressed  and  over-confident  traders,  representing 
Montreal  and  English  firms;3  so  large  was  the  stock 
advanced  him  he  may  even  have  hoped  to  engage  in 
the  trade  himself,  through  clandestine  agents.  As  time 
passed,  the  merchants,  who  had  at  first  hoped  for  exor 
bitant  prices,  realized  that  Rogers'  extravagant  course 
would  so  embroil  him  with  Johnson  that  they  might 
receive  nothing  at  all,  while  they  also  began  to  fear  an 
overt  motive  in  his  zealous  conciliation  of  the  tribes; 
and  they  entered  upon  a  course  of  constant  harassing 
and  importunity.  The  commander  gave  way,  too,  to  a 
course  of  sustained  licentiousness,  no  whit  mitigated  by 
his  wife's  restraining  presence.  His  chief  vices,  prob 
ably  learned  in  London,  attacked  him  with  extreme 
vigor  during  the  long  winter  season,  the  enforced  con 
finement  of  which  told  much  upon  his  nervous,  ener 
getic  spirit.  When  for  months  the  ice,  piling  at  times 
sixty  feet  high  in  the  straits  outside,  cut  off  all  naviga 
tion,  and  the  town  and  fort  lay  snowbound  and  isolated 
between  the  wilderness  and  the  lake,  his  constant  re 
course  was  to  carouse  in  the  garrison  or  village,  with 
companions  of  the  most  doubtful  cast.  His  sensitive 
wife  suffered  deeply  from  his  conduct,  while  her  grief 
was  supplemented  by  a  sense  of  the  certain  gulf  to 
which  his  improvidence  and  disobedience  of  orders 
was  leading  him.  "To  paint,"  she  says,  "in  their  true 
colors  my  sufferings  during  my  stay  in  that  remote  and 

1  Johnson  Mss.,  14,  42. 

'Johnson  Mss.,  18:  185,  186;  19:  112,  163,  172,  179,  185,  226. 
Treasury  Minutes,  February,  1772.  In  Johnson  Mss.,  14,  193,  is  given  a  bill 
of  Stephen  Groesbeck  for  goods  given  by  Rogers  to  the  Indian  nations  at  Mackinac. 

125 


PONTEACH :   OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

lonely  region  would  be  a  task  beyond  my  ability.  'T  is 
enough  to  say  that  I  underwent  every  hardship,  and 
endured  every  species  of  ill-treatment  which  infidelity, 
uncleanness,  and  drunken  barbarity  could  inflict."  Thus 
the  winter  passed  away;  and  when,  along  with  reports 
of  his  disregard  of  instructions,  along  with  his  rapidly 
mounting  drafts,  there  reached  Johnson  rumors  of  his 
dissipation  and  his  debts,  it  was  determined  to  send 
Roberts,  still  commissary  at  Niagara,  on  to  Mackinac. 
Worst  of  all,  the  drafts  were  decisively,  if  temporarily, 
refused  payment  by  Johnson,  upon  the  ground  that  he 
"had  no  letter  of  advice  from  any  person  upon  the 
subject,"  and  peremptory  orders  were  sent  to  Rogers 
to  incur  no  more  expenses/ 

Roberts,  who  by  Johnson's  orders,  Gage  concurring, 
was  ready  to  start  for  Mackinac  from  Oswego  late  in 
April,  was  delayed  by  various  circumstances,  and  did 
not  reach  his  destination  until  June  23,  I768.9  In  the 
interim  Rogers  continued  his  eccentric  and  arbitrary 
conduct  of  affairs.  In  the  early  spring  he  sent  his 
assistant,  Potter,  upon  an  expedition  to  the  upper 
reaches  of  Lake  Superior,  to  continue  treating  with 
the  still  war-like  Chippewa.3  It  was  observed  about 
the  fort  at  the  time  that  his  manner  was  becoming 
more  discontented  and  restless  than  ever;  a  fact  traced 
to  his  increasing  debts,  and  the  embarrassment  caused 
him  by  the  refusal  of  his  drafts  upon  the  government. 
In  the  closing  days  of  winter  he  threw  himself  secretly 
into  the  formulation  of  a  new  and  amazing  scheme, 
which  —  a  last  gleam  of  hope  for  his  material  salva 
tion —  was  designed  to  render  more  direct  his  control 
over  the  region,  to  stimulate  the  fur  trade,  and  to  make 

1  Documentary  History  of  New  Tork,  II,  848,  853,  863,  865. 
a  The  chief  of  these  circumstances  was  the  failure  of  Captain  McLeod  to  take 
his  place  promptly  at  Niagara. 

3  New  Tork  Colonial  Documents,  VII,  990. 

1*6 


MISADMINISTRATION  BY  ROGERS 

him  forever  independent  of  his  troublesome  eastern  su 
periors.  This  was  a  proposal  for  a  new  form  of  govern 
ment  at  Mackinac,  which  we  find  drawn  up  in  formal 
detail  in  a  petition  transmitted  direct  to  the  Board  of 
Trade  on  May  29,  1768.'  An  effective  preamble  at 
tacked  Johnson's  restrictions  and  recited  the  vast  extent 
of  the  fur  trade  at  Mackinac,  the  exchangeable  value 
of  which  was  declared  to  reach  ^£60,000,  or  one  hun 
dred  heavy  boat-loads  of  Montreal  goods,  yearly;  the 
circumstances  which  proved  that  even  this  volume  of 
trade,  if  properly  nourished,  could  be  immensely  in 
creased;  and  the  fact  that  Mackinac,  with  its  com 
manding  situation  on  three  lakes,  stood  as  the  logical 
center  for  the  entire  Northwest.  Rogers  wished,  there 
fore,  to  have  established  at  Mackinac  a  combined  civil 
and  military  government  which  should  give  a  more 
direct  attention  to  Indian  affairs,  and  feel  a  more  sin 
cere  anxiety  as  to  means  of  controlling  and  developing 
traffic  possessing  many  local  and  peculiar  characteristics. 
He  asked  to  be  appointed  governor,  with  power  of 
electing  one  of  his  subordinate  officers  as  lieutenant- 
governor,  and  another  secretary;  while  the  rest  of  his 
plan  embraced  a  council  of  twelve,  to  be  chosen  by 
popular  vote  from  among  the  citizens  of  the  town, 
with  limited  legislative  and  advisory  functions.  To 
preserve  order  he  wished  a  few  companies  of  rangers, 
ready  to  enforce  his  mandates  among  all  the  French  or 
savage  inhabitants  of  the  whole  vast  territory;  and  he 
craved  allowance  of  "a  fixed  sum  annually,  for  presents 
to  keep  the  Indians  peaceable — such  as  shall  be  thought 
adequate  for  a  post  to  which  more  than  one  third  the 

1  .This  petition  contains  more  chan  six  thousand  words,  and  is  phrased  as  care 
fully  as  it  is  planned.  As  Potter  himself  is  authority  for  the  statement  that  it  was 
composed  secretly  by  Rogers,  and  during  Potter's  own  absence,  the  document 
alone  is  sufficient  to  refute  Johnson's  allegation  that  Rogers  was  illiterate.  Johnson 
composed  a  long  reply  to  it  (New  York  Colonial  Documents  t  VII,  997). 

127 


PONTEACH :    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

Indians  on  the  continent  resort,  beside  other  nations  as 
far  as  the  Pacific."  Like  the  governor  of  a  crown  col 
ony,  he  was  to  be  responsible  only  to  the  king's  minis 
ters.  The  plan  was  suggestive,  but  its  obvious  inspira 
tion  lay  in  his  debts,  his  troubles  with  the  traders  and 
with  Johnson,  and  the  increasing  certainty  that  a  com 
missary  would  soon  be  watchfully  at  his  side.  It  was 
clear  that,  under  a  scheme  for  promoting  trade,  he  was 
virtually  proposing  that  he  be  given  the  most  absolute 
control  over  the  tribes,  the  fur  business,  the  garrison 
of  the  northwest,  and  a  large  sum  of  money. 

As  his  negotiations  with  the  tribes  progressed,  Rogers 
kept  his  agents,  with  their  presents,  still  out  among 
the  villages,  and  himself  visited  a  number  of  the  chiefs. 
He  had  issued  a  call  for  a  general  convocation  of  the 
tribes  in  June,  and  as  the  war  clouds  that  hung  over 
the  Sioux  and  the  Chippewa  drew  off,  it  became  evi 
dent  that  this  would  be  one  of  the  most  impressive 
gatherings  of  savages  ever  held  on  the  American  con 
tinent.  His  messengers,  from  far  beyond  the  Wisconsin, 
and  down  the  Mississippi,  brought  back  news  that  the 
most  distant  prairies  were  sending  their  braves.1  The  os 
tensible  object  of  the  gathering  was  the  final  ratification 
of  the  Sioux-Chippewa  peace,  and  as  such  was  deeply 
irritating  to  Johnson  from  the  very  moment  he  heard 
of  it.  "It  is  not  good  policy,"  he  objected,  "to  interest 
ourselves  in  quarrels  of  distant  nations,  which  do  not 
affect  our  forts,  settlements,  or  communications.  It  may 

1  When  Carver  returned  southeastward  in  April,  1767,  from  wintering  among 
the  Sioux,  to  secure  provisions,  he  was  accompanied  by  a  large  band  of  tribesmen 
whom  he  persuaded  to  go  on  before  him  to  the  great  conference  at  Mackinac, 
while  he  himself  struck  off  toward  Prairie  du  Chien,  See  Travels.  Tute  was 
credited  at  this  time  with  "carrying  matters  with  a  high  hand  on  the  Mississippi, 
giving  gorgets  to  the  Indians  inscribed  with  fleurs-de-lis,  and  creating  numerous 
chiefs."  Johnson  Mss.,  15,  125.  Goddard  and  others  were  similarly  busy; 
and  of  Goddard  it  was  written,  "  chey  have  found  out  the  river  that  runs  from 
Lake  Superior  to  the  Mississippi."  Wisconsin  Historical  Collections ,  XVIII,  285. 

128 


MAP  OF  THE  REGION  ABOUT   MACKINAC 
From  Carver',  TV™,/,,  Third  Edition,  London,  ,78, 


MISADMINISTRATION  OF  ROGERS 

indeed  be  interesting  to  a  dozen  traders,  who  in  defiance 
of  all  orders  go  to  the  Indian  towns;  but  on  the  other 
hand  these  wars  take  off  and  engage  some  of  the  most 
violent  of  the  Indians,  who  would  otherwise  be  danger 
ous  to  us."  Above  all,  it  was  a  most  expensive  affair.1 
Between  May  26  and  June  10  a  vast  concourse  of 
Indians,  comprising  many  of  the  sachems  and  braves 
of  the  Ottawa,  Potawatomi,  Chippewa,  Nascapee,  and 
Missisaugus,  began  pouring  in  toward  the  straits.  Rogers, 
with  his  able  lieutenants,  Tute  and  Goddard,  the  latter 
of  whom  had  unbounded  influence  with  the  aborigines, 
marshalled  them  into  order,  and  kept  them  quiet.3  On 
June  24  the  Sioux,  Saux,  Folles  Avoines,  Puan,  and 
Renard,  accompanied  by  a  band  of  fresh  Ottawa  as 
protectors  from  the  still  churlish  Chippewa,  arrived  in 
such  numbers  that  the  waters  of  the  lake  were  black 
ened  by  their  canoes.  The  woods  for  a  great  distance 
about  were  filled  with  their  tents,  and  through  the 
forest  paths  and  over  the  sandy  shingle  roamed  one  of 
the  most  picturesque  and  motley  assemblages  in  Indian 
history.  For  a  time  minor  conferences  were  held. 
Finally,  on  July  3,  in  the  shade  beside  the  lake,  all 
the  tribes  gathered  in  one  great  and  dignilied  conven 
tion,  friendly  and  disaffected  side  by  side,  and  the  chiefs 
interchanged  assurances  of  friendship  and  love,  united 
in  protesting  their  loyalty  to  the  English,  and  passed 
about  a  huge  calumet.  Even  the  Sioux,  after  recount 
ing  that  "the  Chippewa  have  lately  stained  our  country 
with  blood,  and  given  us  great  provocation  to  lift  up 
the  hatchet  against  them,"  promised  forbearance  until 

1  Nftv  York  Colonial  Documents,  VII,  969.  Johnson  regarded  the  peace  as  a 
pretext  of  Rogers'  "  to  acquire  a  name  and  influence  among  the  Indians  for  his 
preconcerted  purposes."  Idem,  p.  989. 

a  Rogers  has  left  a  circumstantial  account  of  this  conference,  in  a  paper  which, 
entitled  The  Journal  of  Major  Rogers,  May  2 4- July  2jt  1767,  is  preserved  in 
the  library  of  the  American  Antiquarian  Society,  Worcester,  Massachusetts. 

129 


PONTEACH :    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

Rogers,  "our  father  next  to  the  great  king,"  redressed 
their  injuries.  They  all  delighted  Rogers  by  begging 
that  they  might  have  traders  sent  among  them.  Before 
the  meeting  broke  up,  the  governor  devoted  one  whole 
day  to  the  distribution  of  many  presents,  secured  upon 
more  drafts  from  the  merchants  of  the  town.  With 
these  the  red  men  departed  rejoicing.  Their  congress 
had  been  a  splendid  and  unforgettable  pageant,  and  had 
inspired  them  with  some  fealty  to  the  British  Empire; 
but  the  piper 'was  still  to  be  paid. 

The  bills  incurred  in  these  conferences  were  promptly 
presented  to  Johnson  by  eastern  agents  of  the  Mackinac 
merchants,  and  as  promptly  roused  him  to  a  high  pitch 
of  anger.  Despite  the  fact  that  other  commissaries, 
notably  Cole  of  Fort  de  Chartres,  had  recently  sent  in 
requests  for  sums  which  were,  says  Johnson,  "vastly 
more  than  I  could  have  thought  of,"  he  considered 
Rogers'  expenditures  wholly  unjustifiable.  As  pre 
sented  during  the  summer  in  Montreal  and  Albany, 
they  reached  a  grand  total  of  ^5000.'  His  suspicions 
equalled  his  resentment.  He  was  at  once  certain  that 
Rogers  had  been  meddling  with  Indian  affairs  in  a 
wholly  unwarrantable  way,  and  with  a  design  to  fur 
ther  his  own  overweening  ambitions.  "  There  must  be 
some  particular  motive  for  this,"  he  wrote  Gage.  "Ex 
penses  seem  to  have  been  made,  Indians  called,  and 
traders  indulged  purely  to  procure  their  esteem."  All 
in  all,  he  was  ready  at  once  to  demand  Rogers'  imme 
diate  recall. 

Meanwhile,  on  June  23,  Roberts  had  taken  office  at 
Mackinac,  with  instructions  to  cut  down  expenses,  to 

1  Documentary  History  of  New  York,  II,  863.  September  6,  1767,  he  says: 
"On  my  arrival  at  Albany  I  was  surrounded  by  people  with  drafts  drawn  on  me 
by  Major  Rogers,  to  between  ^£2000  and  ^3000. "  September  11  :  "Farther 
drafts  on  me  have  been  shown  at  Montreal  to  the  amount  of  ^i  100,  and  I  hear 
the  whole  exceeds  ^5000."  All  these  bills  were  at  once  protested.  ldemt  865. 

130 


MISADMINISTRATION  OF  ROGERS 

watch  Rogers,  and  to  enforce  the  trade  regulations. 
He  was  received  with  so  plain  a  show  of  jealousy  and 
bad  feeling  that  none  of  his  three  tasks  was  easy.1  The 
commandant  attempted  from  the  very  beginning  to 
throw  difficulties  in  his  way ;  to  increase  his  expenses, 
prejudice  the  traders  against  him,  and  to  render  impos 
sible  full  obedience  to  Johnson.  Indeed,  Roberts'  re 
ports  indicated  that  from  the  very  first  he  was  troubled 
both  by  the  plain  irregularities  about  the  post,  and  the 
commandant's  obvious  intention  of  increasing  the  fric 
tion  incident  upon  maintaining  order  among  the  traders. 
In  his  first  letter  to  Johnson  he  showed  that  many  mer 
chants  were  plying  their  art  away  from  the  post,  and 
beyond  his  powers  of  supervision ;  that  Rogers  was  try 
ing  to  betray  him  into  extravagance;  that  he  was  covert 
ly  attempting  to  secure  from  the  Indians  a  petition  for 
Roberts'  withdrawal,  and  his  own  restoration  to  full 
control;  and  that  rum  sometimes  got  among  the  sav 
ages.2  He  pointed  out,  too,  a  dangerous  tendency  among 
the  soldiery  to  participate  in  the  trade,  to  forestall  which 
he  recommended  a  frequent  relief  of  the  garrison.  In 
his  plan  for  the  civil  government  of  Mackinac,  indeed, 
Rogers  had  given  open  indication  of  the  nature  of  his 
preference  among  the  traders  of  the  region.  "Since  it 
is  true,"  he  had  declared,  "that  the  French  at  Mack 
inac,  St.  Mary's,  Green  Bay,  and  other  places  where 
they  are  looking  and  walking  up  and  down,  are  an  in 
dolent,  slothful  set  of  vagabonds,  ill-disposed  to  the 
English  and  very  influential  among  the  savages,  ought 
they  not  for  the  better  security  of  the  British  trade  to 
be  removed  out  of  the  country?"  To  men  like  Tute, 
Goddard,  Engineer,  and  Atherton  he  tried  constantly 

1  Documentary  History  of  New  Turk,  II,  864.    The  date  of  Roberts'  arrival  is 
noted  on  a  Return  of  the  Trade  at  Mackinac,  Dartmouth  Mss.t  dated  1767. 
8  Johnson  Mss.,  15,  90. 

'3' 


PONTEACH :    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

to  divert  the  trade,  employing  them  at  times  as  his 
direct  agents  among  the  tribes,  and  at  times  allowing 
them  full  freedom  in  their  own  commercial  transac^ 
tions.  Roberts  described  such  men  as  "simple,  canting, 
over-reaching  New  Englanders,  who  watch  every  oppor 
tunity  of  making  the  Indians  drunk,  and  cheating  them 
of  their  furs,  continually  abuse  one  another,  and  never 
speak  well  of  any  one  in  power." '  Whatever  may 
have  been  their  attitude  toward  the  Indians,  and  toward 
Spiessmacher  and  the  commissary,  they  were  evidently 
bound  by  the  closest  ties  of  self-interest  to  each  other 
and  to  Rogers.  Their  primary  interest  was  undoubtedly 
commercial,  and  the  perpetuation  of  their  advantages  by 
the  thwarting  of  Roberts'  strict  and  suspicious  policy. 

The  obstacles  in  Roberts'  way  multiplied  as  the  weeks 
went  on ;  yet  by  conscientious  labor  he  began  slowly 
to  triumph  over  them.  Throughout  the  long  summer 
days,  when  the  lazy  Indians^ionnged  in  throngs  in  the 
woods  and  camps  about  the  straits,  a  fertile  soil  for  the 
corruptions  and  wiles  of  the  villagers,  his  chief  fear  was 
that  the  traders  might  carry  rum  among  them,  and  so 
inflame  them  to  violent  deeds.  The  avid  taste  of  the 
savages  for  liquor  was  supplied,  in  general,  by  carefully 
doled-out  portions  from  the  general  store-room  of  the 
fort,  as  highly-prized  gifts;  but  smugglers  were  con 
stantly  attempting  to  evade  Johnson's  strict  embargo 
upon  the  sale  of  alcohol,  for  it  was  the  most  profitable 
medium  of  exchange.  "  Every  hour,"  he  wrote  John 
son,  "  my  uneasiness  is  increased.  In  spite  of  my  vigi 
lance,  I  fear  we  will  have  mischief  done." 2  The  ardu- 
ousness  of  his  labors  began  to  tell  upon  him.  He  was 
obliged  to  employ  clerks  constantly,  recording  every 
minute  instance  of  charity  or  generosity  to  the  begging 

1  Memorial  to  Dartmouth,  Dartmouth  Mss.,  February  10,  1773. 
3  Johnson  Mss.t  13,  134. 


MISADMINISTRATION  OF  ROGERS 

savages,  and  reporting  it  to  every  other  northern  com 
missary;  to  preserve,  besides  the  strictest  accounts,  a 
journal  of  all  Indian  intelligences;  to  keep  in  constant 
touch  with  the  East,  and  to  make  long  journeys  into 
the  Indian  land.  He  could  not  attempt  to  impose 
Johnson's  restrictions  upon  trade,  for  the  ministry  had 
made,  through  the  influence  of  Sir  Guy  Carleton,  the 
governor  of  Canada,  an  exception  for  the  trade  north 
of  Mackinac;  but  he  required  every  trader  who  went 
wintering  among  the  Indians  to  give  a  bond  for  his 
good  behavior,  and  another  in  guarantee  that  he  would 
return  his  furs  through  the  post,  and  not  carry  them 
down  the  Mississippi  to  New  Orleans.  In  July  and 
August  he  thus  licensed  one  hundred  and  twenty  canoes 
of  goods,  paddled  by  traders  from  the  fort  into  Lakes 
Huron,  Superior,  or  Michigan.  Each  trader  was  re 
quired  to  bring  back  observations  on  the  numbers  and 
temper  of  the  Indians  lie-dealt  with.  At_ihe  same  time, 
Roberts  was  kept  busy  issuing  clothing  and  food  to  needy 
braves,  giving  presents  to  groups  of  influential  indivi 
duals,  and  receiving  with  affable  kindness  deputations  of 
chiefs.  His  task,  weighing  his  meager  resources,  had 
been  rendered  doubly  difficult  by  Rogers'  excessive  gen 
erosity,  but  his  tact  and  sense  stood  him  in  good  stead. 
"The  Indians,"  he  was  able  to  report  to  his  superior, 
"  complain  Rogers  promises  more  than  he  can  perform, 
and  say  he  has  more  love  for  packs,  but  less  sense,  than 
me."1  "Though  no  Englishman  dared  trade  far  down 
Lake  Michigan,"  he  declared  long  afterwards,  "all  the 
Indians  thereabouts  sent  me  invitations  to  visit  them, 
and  paid  me  a  great  compliment  by  saying  they  would 
look  upon  me  as  one  of  themselves."1  His  knowledge 
of  their  language,  his  kindly  cordiality,  even  his  volatil- 

1  Johnson  Mss. ,  15,  90. 

3  Memorial  to  Dartmouth ,  February  10,  1773. 

>33 


PONTEACH :   OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

ity,  where  it  inflamed  him  into  a  desire  to  protect  them, 
rapidly  won  him  their  warm  regard. 

But  he  and  Rogers  continued  more  and  more  jealous, 
suspicious,  and  sullen  in  their  attitude  toward  one  an 
other.  Rogers'  debts,  joined  with  .  the  news  that  his 
heavy  drafts  were  meeting  with  protests  in  New  York, 
and  would  likely  be  returned  to  him,  was  driving  him 
into  increasing  moodiness  and  discontent.  He  grew 
troubled,  quarrelsome,  and  irritable.  In  July  Potter 
returned  from  his  trip  upon  Lake  Superior,  and  three 
or  four  days  later  the  entire  garrison  was  amazed  to  see 
the  door  of  Rogers'  house  fly  violently  open,  and  the 
two  emerge,  scuffling,  fighting,  and  blaspheming  one 
another,  down  the  steps.  They  separated  after  a  mo 
ment,  and  strode  away  from  each  other,  white  and 
panting,  but  without  divulging  the  root  of  the  sudden 
and  amazing  quarrel.  The  soldiery  were  agog,  and 
watched  the  two  men  closely.  On  the  morrow  they 
indulged  in  high  words  on  the  parade  ground,  and  on 
the  third  day,  meeting  again,  Rogers  flew  into  a  violent 
passion,  knocked  Potter  down,  and  ordered  him  put  in 
irons.  On  the  advice  of  Roberts  and  others,  however, 
Potter  applied  to  Spiessmacher  for  protection,  and  re-/ 
ceived  it.  He  nevertheless  still  declined  to  make  any 
statement  as  to  the  cause  of  his  altercation  with  one  so 
long  his  protector  and  friend,  and  it  was  generally  sup 
posed  that  the  affair  was  the  mere  outgrowth  of  Rogers' 
violent  frame  of  mind.  The  soldiers  in  especial  re 
mained  almost  unanimously  loyal  to  the  governor. 
Roberts,  abetted  more  and  more  by  Spiessmacher,  in 
clined  to  pur  the  worst  possible  construction  upon  his 
acts.1 

1  For  this,  and  references  also  for  matter  in  the  succeeding  pages  not  otherwise 
ascribed,  see  New  fork  Colonial  Documents,  VII,  988,  990,  993.  and  997  ; 
Documentary  History  of  New  Tor kt  II,  883,  885,  888,  895  ;  Canadian  Ar (hives, 
Series  Q,  Volume  4,  304-307,  Series  Q,  Volume  5,  part  2,  607-611  ;  Jobn- 

134 


ROGERS'  BREAK  WITH  ROBERTS 

The  sharp  final  explosion  between  the  two  men  was 
not  long  delayed.  During  the  early  days  of  August  it 
seemed  clear  to  Roberts  that  Rogers,  in  desperation, 
was  putting  some  huge  and  nefarious  scheme  under 
way.  Atherton  and  Tute  he  had  sent  out  down  Lake 
Michigan,  on  some  unknown  mission ;  he  himself  was 
constantly  engaged  in  receiving  belts  and  making 
speeches,  of  which  he  would  let  Roberts  know  noth 
ing;  Stuart  and  his  other  agents  about  the  fort  were 
suspiciously  busy.  The  whisper  began  to  go  through 
out  the  settlement  that  the  governor  intended  in  the 
spring  to  gather  his  associates  about  him,  sack  the 
place,  and  proceed  southward  by  way  of  La  Baye,  Lake 
Michigan,  and  the  Illinois  river  to  join  the  French  and 
Spanish  beyond  the  Mississippi.  The  various  merchants 
and  traders  to  whom  Rogers  was  in  debt  —  and  he  was 
said  to  owe  several  hundred  thousand  French  livres  — 
and  who  held  large  stocks  of  seizable  goods,  came  to 
Roberts  in  great  alarm,  with  such  fervent  prayers  that 
he  protect  them  and  their  property  that  he  made  a 
secret  agreement  with  Spiessmacher  to  cat  short  any 
attempted  evasion  of  the  governor.  The  secretary, 
Potter,  still  sulking  and  silent,  was  making  dilatory 
plans  to  leave  the  fort  and  go  to  England.  He  hinted 
at  times  to  Roberts  of  matters  of  weighty  importance 
which  he  might  disclose,  and  which,  he  said,  his  con 
science  strongly  urged  him  to  lay  before  Johnson,  in 
full  written  form.  As  the  middle  of  the  month  passed, 

son  M<s.,  16  :  123,  134,  144;  17  :  4,  13,  154,  etc.  ;  Dr.F.B.  Hough's  Edition 
of  Rogers'  Journals,  Albany,  1850,  Appendix;  Wisconsin  Historical  Collections, 
XII,  27-37  ;  Michigan  Pioneer  and  Historical  Collections,  X,  224-233.  As 
most  of  these  references  deal  with  the  events  of  one  or  two  days,  to  state  the 
varied  authorities  for  each  single  fact  would  involve  useless  repetition.  In  this  ac 
count  it  should  be  kept  in  mind  that  although  all  Rogers'  contemporaries  recognized 
that  there  were  two  sides  to  the  whole  affair,  we  have  no  means  of  stating  in  full 
just  what  the  major's  case  was ;  for  only  the  accusations  of  his  enemies  have 
been  preserved. 

'35 


PONTEACH :   OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

the  commissary  reported  to  his  chief  at  Albany  that  it 
had  become  an  open  secret  that  Rogers  had  declared, 
unless  some  ray  of  hope  were  offered  him  in  his  present 
gloomy  circumstances,  he  "would  go  off  in  the  spring, 
and  not  empty-handed."  Stephen  Groesbeck,  one  of 
the  richest  merchants  at  the  post,  whom  Roberts  char 
acterized  as  "a  heavy,  self-interested  Dutchman,"  was 
the  governor's  creditor  for  several  thousand  pounds, 
covered  only  by  worthless  drafts  upon  the  Indian  de 
partment.  He  seemed  deeply  interested  in  Rogers' 
machinations,  and  had  sent  out  a  messenger  with  belts 
to  the  Indians  of  the  Northwest.  "Rogers,"  wrote 
Roberts  again,  "says  that  if  affairs  to  the  northwest 
don't  turn  out  luckily,  he  must  go  off,  and  it's  thought 
Groesbeck  won't  stay  behind."  It  was  known,  too,  that 
the  commander  had  been  instrumental  in  sending  eleven 
canoes  loaded  with  goods  to  Lake  Superior,  and  was 
now  anxiously  awaiting  their  return. 

Finally,  on  the  night  of  August  19,  Roberts  was 
awakened  about  midnight  by  the  noise  of  some  traders 
carrying  rum  from  the  fort's  storehouse  down  to  the 
water.  He  refrained  from  interfering  at  the  time,  but 
as  soon  as  it  grew  light  began  an  investigation.  From 
some  source  he  secured  certain  evidence  that  the  smug 
gling  of  rum  out  of  the  fort  had  reached  a  great  mag 
nitude  within  the  last  few  days,  and  that  a  number  of 
kegs  had  been  landed,  with  Rogers'  full  knowledge  and 
approbation,  at  a  small  island  on  the  way  to  La  Baye, 
where  they  were  to  be  used  in  gaining  political  and 
commercial  credit  with  the  Indians.  In  great  excite 
ment  he  called  in  Potter,  and  summoned  him  to  give 
all  the  information  he  possessed  of  the  governor's  plots. 
After  some  hesitation,  assumed  or  real,  the  ex-secretary 
unfolded  his  entire  story.  He  said  that  Rogers  had  de 
termined  a  full  month  before,  that,  if  his  plan  for  the 

136 


ROGERS'  BREAK  WITH  ROBERTS 

civil  government  of  Mackinac  did  not  elicit  a  favorable 
reply  from  England  during  the  ensuing  winter,  he 
would  close  at  once  with  an  offer  he  had  received  from 
the  French  through  one  of  his  old  comrades  in  the 
provincial  service,  Captain  Hopkins,  now  a  turncoat  in 
the  West  Indies.1  With  Tute,  Goddard,  Atherton,  and 
whatever  part  of  the  garrison  he  could  induce  to  desert, 
Potter  further  alleged,  he  planned  to  rifle  all  the  trad 
ing  depots  in  the  vicinity,  and  thus  "full-handed"  join 
the  French  west  of  the  Illinois  country.2  It  was  his 
own  refusal  to  adhere  to  this  plan,  said  Potter,  which 
had  occasioned  his  quarrel  with  Rogers,  who  had 
threatened  him  with  instant  death  if  he  revealed  it. 
Trembling  with  indignation,  Roberts  at  once  sat  down 
and  penned  a  decisive  note  to  Spiessmacher,  impeach 
ing  "  Robert  Rogers,  Esquire,  for  holding  secret  cor 
respondence  with  the  enemies  of  Great  Britain,  and 
forming  conspiracies,"  and  exhorting  the  captain  to 
"  seize  his  person  and  papers,  among  which  you  will 
find  sufficient  proof."  This  he  sealed,  directed,  and 
sent  at  once  by  a  messenger.  He  then  wrote  a  full 
letter  to  Johnson;  and  a  third  to  Daniel  Claus,  intro 
ducing  Potter,  and  desiring  that  he  be  allowed  to  repeat 
his  accusation  in  Montreal  under  oath.  These  two  he 
gave  to  Potter  to  transmit. 

1  "Captain  Hopkins,"  wrote  Johnson  to  Shclburnc,  "of  Maryland,  former 
ly  of  the  i8th  Regiment,  obtained  a  captain's  commission  in  the  Queen's  Inde 
pendents,  on  the  reduction  of  which  he  entered  the  French  service,  and  is  now 
(1767)  a  colonel  in  Hispaniola.    A  great  intimacy  always  subsisted  between  him 
and  Rogers."    An  alleged  letter  of  his  to  Rogers,  exhorting  the  latter  to  join  the 
French,  and  speaking  of  disgraces  which  Rogers  had  endured,  was  later  found 
among  the  major's  effects,  and  is  given  in  NcwTork  Colonial  Document^  VII,  993. 

2  Louisiana  was  at  this  time  properly  Spanish  ;  but  the  French  still  held  many 
offices  of  more  than  local  control.     Cf.  P.  R.  O.,  C.  O.  5,  86  ;  Gage  to  Hills- 
borough,  October,  I  768  :   "  There  is  such  a  strange  mixture  of  French  and  Span 
ish  government  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  Mississippi  that  there  is  no  knowing  to 
whom   the  country  belongs.     A   French  officer,  M.  St.  Ange,  commands  on  the 
Mississippi,  and  receives  orders  from  both  Don  Ulloa  and  M.  Aubry." 

137 


PONTEACH :   OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

By  this  time  the  fire  of  his  wrath  was  somewhat 
abated,  and  he  was  able  to  hold  himself  under  restraint. 
He  called  his  clerk,  John  Hanson,  and,  going  out  upon 
the  parade  ground,  applied  to  Rogers  for  a  sergeant  and 
two  men  to  send  with  Hanson  to  seize  the  contraband 
rum.1  A  proof  of  the  bad  feeling  existing  between  the 
men  lies  in  the  fact  that  before  he  reluctantly  acqui 
esced  in  their  going,  the  major  forced  the  commissary 
to  promise  to  pay  the  soldiers  for  their  time.  They 
were  absent  some  hours,  and  in  the  interim  Roberts 
halted  seven  canoes  which  had  reached  the  fort,  for 
bidding  them  to  proceed  into  a  region  where,  for  aught 
they  knew,  all  the  savages  might  be  maddened  and 
blood-thirsty  with  liquor.  At  the  end  of  the  period 
the  two  boats  he  had  dispatched  grated  heavily  on  the 
pebbly  beach,  and  Hanson  supervised  the  rolling  out  of 
several  kegs  of  rum  over  the  gunwale  of  each.  As 
"seizing-officer,"  Roberts  felt  the  disposition  of  the 
rum  to  be  his,  and  ordered  it  to  be  placed  in  the  king's 
store,  of  which  he  held  the  key ;  but  Rogers,  who  was 
standing  glowering  by,  sharply  contradicted  his  direc 
tions,  commanding  that  it  be  given  to  the  deputy 
commissary  of  provisions.  A  heated  quarrel  ensued,  in 
which  both  the  excitable  commissary,  highly  wrought 
upon  by  all  he  had  heard,  and  the  imperious  governor 
lost  their  heads;  the  lie  was  exchanged;  a  denuncia 
tion  as  traitor  trembled  on  the  lips  of  Roberts;  and 
Rogers  in  a  rage  called  the  guard,  and  had  the  strug 
gling  officer,  before  the  amazed  eyes  of  the  Indians  and 
townspeople,  borne  away  and  locked  up  in  his  house. 

Affairs  had  now  gone  so  far  that  interference  from 
the  East  was  inevitable.  At  Mackinac,  however,  it 
seemed  for  a  time  that  the  direct  quarrel  between  the 

1  Some  time  previously  Roberts  had  quarreled  with  Hanson,  and  had  cautioned 
Johnson  to  receive  no  information  through  him.  See  Johnson  Mss.,  15,  12$. 

.38 


ROGERS*  BREAK  WITH  ROBERTS 

two  officers  might  be  glossed  over.  Roberts  was  not 
long  kept  in  durance,  for  on  August  22,  after  testifying 
with  others  at  a  court  of  inquiry  into  the  seizure  of 
rum,  over  which  Rogers  presided,  he  was  released.  A 
temporary  reconciliation  followed,  but  one  merely  tem 
porary;  for  Roberts'  knowledge  of  Rogers'  secret  de 
signs  made  it  impossible  for  him  to  avoid  a  renewal  of 
the  disputes.  Early  in  September  he  was  again  under 
arrest,  and  by  September  21  felt  his  confinement  so 
deeply  that  he  addressed  to  Spiessmacher  a  petition 
praying  for  relief.1  Finally  he  grew  wholly  insubordi 
nate,  denouncing  Rogers  as  a  traitor  on  every  hand,  and 
was  sent  eastward  in  irons,  to  await  trial  under  General 
Gage.  Meanwhile,  on  August  29,  Potter  had  set  out 
for  Montreal,  and  a  month  later  made  deposition  there 
under  oath  as  to  all  of  Rogers'  plots,  sailing  immedi 
ately  thereafter  to  England.  This  deposition,  together 
with  Roberts'  letter,  reached  Gage  and  Johnson  in  Oc 
tober,  and  produced  a  real  sensation.  "  From  Potter's 
character,"  writes  Johnson,  "I  have  no  doubt  he  will 
make  the  most  of  his  discoveries;  at  the  same  time,  I 
believe  his  account  is  within  compass."  Already,  on 
September  1 5,  upon  hearing  of  his  enormous  expendi 
tures,  Gage  had  decided  to  remove  Rogers.  Now  a 
new  order  was  sent  to  Spiessmacher,  directing  him  to 
arrest  the  major,  and  confine  him  until  he  might  be 
brought  to  Montreal  to  trial;  and  to  seize  all  his  prop 
erty,  especially  any  goods  with  which  he  had  been 
trading,  to  satisfy  his  creditors.3  On  December  6 
Roberts  arrived  at  New  York,  with  more  than  twenty 
affidavits  from  Mackinac  of  his  own  unfitness  and  mis 
conduct,  to  report  to  Gage  for  trial;  and  on  the  same 

1  Jobmon  MSJ.,   15  :  44,  55. 

a  ««  Major  Rogers  has  goods  trading  for  his  benefit  in  the  Indian  country  to  a 
very  considerable  amount,  and  the  returns  may  soon  be  in,  as  I  am  informed." 
Documentary  History  of  New  Tor';,  II,  888. 

'39 


PONTEACH :   OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

day  Rogers  was  arrested  at   the  far  western  post   by 
Spiessmacher,  on  a  charge  of  high  treason.1 

Throughout  the  winter  Rogers  remained  confined  to 
his  house,  closely  watched  by  Spiessmacher  and  Lieu 
tenant  Christie,  now  second  in  command.  From  the 
first  these  gentlemen  reported  that  they  found  some 
thing  very  suspicious  in  his  behavior.  For  his  own 
part,  he  complained  that  he  was  loaded  with  irons, 
kept  in  a  fireless  room,  open  to  the  full  inclemency  of 
the  freezing  weather,  and  scarcely  allowed  the  neces 
sities  of  life.  He  was  robbed  also  of  his  effects,  "to  the 
value  of  several  thousand  pounds,  of  his  papers,  and  of 
the  maps  he  had  taken,  at  great  expense,  of  the  Indians' 
country";  while  his  wife  "was  treated  with  the  same 
inhumanity  as  himself,  and  exposed  to  the  insults  of  the 
common  soldiers."2  Under  these  circumstances,  and  in 
collusion  with  his  orderly,  David  Fullerton,  he  laid  plans 
to  escape,  first  approaching  a  Canadian,  Joseph  Ans.3 

1  Gage  wrote  on  this  date  to  Johnson  :  «« Which  of  the  two  men  is  most  in 
fault  I  can't  say  ;  most  probably  both  of  them  in  some  degree."  On  October  9 
Sir  Guy  Carleton,  writing  to  the  Earl  of  Shelburne  in  regard  to  the  matter,  said 
of  the  root  of  the  difficulty  :  "  From  the  fact  that  a  jealousy  about  presents,  which 
certainly  amounts  to  no  inconsiderable  sum,  it  being  the  constant  custom  of  both 
traders  and  Indians  to  present  some  at  their  arrival  and  departure  from  these  posts, 
and  which,  from  being  the  usual  perquisite  of  the  Commandant,  are  now  become 
the  Commissary's,  occasions  disputes  and  misrepresentations  constantly,  on  both 
sides,  I  submit  that  all  present*  of  value,  from  either  Indians  or  traders,  should  be 
absolutely  declined  by  the  officers  of  the  crown.  ...  It  must  be  acknowledged 
that  Mr.  Potter  bears  but  a  very  bad  character  .  .  .  and  may  be  actuated  by 
views  of  self-interest  and  motives  of  revenge  ;  unhappy  it  is  for  Major  Rogers  that 
his  character  does  not  stand  in  so  fair  a  light  as  to  permit  a  neglect  of  Potter's 
information  ;  the  less  so  that  the  distresses  resulting  from  his  extravagance  may 
give  weight  to  a  suspicion  of  his  using  some  extraordinary  means  to  extricate  him 
self."  Potter,  by  reason  of  his  ill-health,  was  not  expected  to  reach  Europe. 
Canadian  Archive  5 1  Series  4,  Volume  4,  304-7. 

'  Memorial  to  Hillsborough,  December  21,  1768.  P.  R.  O.,  C.  O.  5, 
Volume  70,  235. 

3  Joseph  Louis  Ans  (or  Ainse)  was  born  at  Mackinac,  May  I,  1744.  Soon 
after  his  information  against  Rogers  he  was  taken  into  English  employ  as  an  in 
terpreter.  In  1790  he  was  convicted  of  having  embez?)  :d  government  stores  for 
his  own  trading  ventures.  Michigan  Pioneer  and  Hi'.oricil  Collections ,  XI,  491. 

140 


THE  TRIAL  OF  ROGERS 

Rogers'  alleged  plot  was  to  have  the  savages  decoy 
Spiessmacher  and  Christie  out  of  the  fort,  when  — 
as  most  of  the  soldiers  were  yet  his  fast  friends  —  he 
could  seize  the  keys,  sack  Mackinac  and  Detroit,  and 
march  away  to  the  Illinois.  Ans  betrayed  the  attempt 
to  Spiessmacher,  first  taking  him  to  a  point  where  he 
could  hear  one  of  their  conferences,  and  later  securing 
from  Rogers  a  promissory  note  for  ^500  if  Ans  would 
carry  him  safely  to  a  force  commanded  by  Captain 
Hopkins  on  the  Mississippi.1  As  a  result  of  this  ex 
posure  the  major's  orderly  was  arrested,  and  the  guard 
about  his  house,  previously  relaxed,  was  resumed. 

In  the  spring  the  sloop  expected  for  Rogers'  convey 
ance  arrived,  and  he  was  put  on  board  to  be  transported 
to  Niagara."  "I  was  thrown,"  he  afterwards  testified, 
"  into  the  hold  of  the  vessel,  upon  the  ballast  of  stones, 
still  in  irons ;  and  in  this  manner,  transported  the  whole 
distance.  When  they  were  taken  off,  the  weight  of 
them  was  so  considerable,  and  they  were  fastened  so 
tightly,  that  my  legs  were  bent.  From  the  pain  I 
suffered,  together  with  the  cold,  the  bone  of  my  right 
leg  was  split,  and  the  marrow  forced  its  way  out  of  it 
through  the  skin,"3  At  Niagara  he  received  the  charges 

1  "The  French  had  two  battalions  waiting  for  him,"  Ans  reported  Rogers 
as  saying,  "under  Colonel  Hopkins,  who  had  often  written  to  him."     Spiess 
macher  testified  that  the  major's  orderly  broke  down  and  confessed  the  plot  when 
taxed  with  it,  and  that  Rogers  had  had  Ans  brought  up  from  St.  Joseph  in  the 
spring  of  1767,  ostensibly  as  an  interpreter,  but  really  ro  use  him  as  a  messenger 
between  himself  and   Hopkins,  to  invite  Hopkins  to  come  with  a  few  men  and 
receive  possession  of  the  fort. 

2  Navigation  in  the  straits  became  possible  about  May  i.    See  P.  R.  O.,  C.  O. 
j,  86;  Gage  to  Hillsborough,  August  17,  1768.    "Some  disturbance  happened 
at  Mackinac,  on  the  occasion  of  sending  Major  Rogers  from  that  fort  to  Detroit ; 
a  disorderly  tribe  of  the  Chippewa  went  there  with  their  arms,  and  threw  their 
English  belts  into  the  lake,  and  invited  other  nations  to  join  them  to  release  the 
major  from  his  confinement.     The  officer  commanding  tried  to  satisfy  them  by 
various  methods,  but  at  length  put  the  garrison  under  arms,  and  with  two  armed 
boats  put  him  on  board  the  vessel." 

3  Memorial   to   Hillsborough,   December   21,    1768.      P.  R.  O.,  C.  O.  j, 
Volume  70,    235. 

141 


PONTEACH :   OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

against  him  from  General  Gage,  and  was  taken  on,  un 
der  strong  guard,  to  be  tried  at  Montreal.  Almost  im 
mediately  upon  his  arrival  there  it  was  decided  to  alter 
the  charge  against  him  from  treason  to  mutiny.1  In  the 
first  place,  it  was  desired  that  he  be  brought  before  an 
official  of  the  bar  at  once,  without  the  delays  and  use 
less  formality  of  a  civil  trial;  and  high  treason  was  a 
crime  under  the  cognizance  of  the  civil,  mutiny  under 
the  military  law.  For  his  part,  Rogers  was  anxious  to 
prolong  his  trial  upon  several  pretences,  chief  of  which 
was  that  he  required  time  to  bring  his  witnesses  up  from 
Mackinac.  As  a  second  consideration,  it  was  at  once 
perceived  by  his  prosecutors  that  there  was  a  failure  of 
sufficient  evidence  to  convict  him  of  really  treasonable 
conduct.  Potter  hud  gone  to  England  for  his  health, 
and  Chief-Justice  Hay  pronounced  that  in  common 
law  the  affidavit  made  out  by  him,  as  coming  from  a 
man  of  doubtful  character,  and  one  who  had  just  quar 
reled  violently  with  Rogers,  could  do  no  material  injury 
to  the  latter.  One  of  the  chief  pieces  of  evidence  for 
the  state,  an  alleged  letter  of  Hopkins,  found  among 
Rogers'  effects,  which  urged  him  to  make  haste  to  join 
with  the  French,  Rogers  declared  to  be  an  arrant  for 
gery.  It  had  been  transmitted  to  him,  immediately 
upon  leaving  for  the  West,  by  Johnson,  and,  dated  San 
Domingo,  April  9,  1766,  was  signed  "Maryland."  "I 
always  thought,  and  am  still  of  the  opinion,"  said  the 
major,  "  that  it  was  penned  on  the  Mohawk  River.  I 
returned  it  to  General  Gage,  but  by  some  magic  art  my 
letters  miscarried."2  Of  other  tangible  evidence  of  so 
serious  a  crime,  except  the  rumors  upon  which  Roberts 
and  Spiessmacher  had  based  their  suspicions,  there  was 
very  little.  Yet  Rogers  had  wrought  too  much  evil  to 

1  Johnson  Mss.,  16:    123,  134,  144. 
a  P.  R.  O.f  C.  O.  5,  Volume  70,  235. 

142 


THE  TRIAL  OF  ROGERS 

go  unprosecuted.  With  the  new  charge  of  mutinous 
conduct  were  joined  accusations  of  disobedience  to 
Gage  and  Johnson,  and  of  embezzlement  of  goods  and 
funds  to  his  own  purpose  at  the  fort,  and  preparations 
were  made  to  have  the  requisite  witnesses  at  the  fort 
relieved  from  duty  and  sent  down,  from  Mackinac  at 
once.1 

"In  his  grinning  way,"  wrote  Claus  to  Johnson, 
"  Rogers  makes  a  light  matter  of  his  crime,  and  tells 
the  merchants  that  if  they  supported  him  he  would 
soon  return  to  his  post."  This  support  was  no  more 
than  a  fair  exchange,  for  these  were  the  persons  Rogers 
had  endeavored  to  aid  in  his  policy  with  regard  to  the 
Indian  trade;  and  as  he  was  greatly  their  debtor,  it 
was  obviously  to  their  interest  that  they  should  clear 
him.  Rogers'  friend  Goddard  was  charged  with  assist 
ing  him  in  his  second  crime  —  the  embezzlement  of 
money  and  goods.  There  was  a  general  inclination  to 
let  him  off  easily,  however,  as  his  influence  with  the 
Indians,  manifested  in  a  number  of  ways,  had  shown  in 
him  the  possibility  of  a  most  useful  public  servant. 
Tute,  Atherton,  and  the  others  were  out  of  reach,  and 
no  particular  effort  was  made  to  secure  them.  Not  until 
early  October  did  the  trial,  delayed  by  the  necessity  of 
bringing  witnesses  of  the  prosecution,  and  by  Rogers' 
own  indisposition  from  disease  brought  on  by  his  ex 
cesses  and  dissipations,  begin.  There  was  some  difficul 
ty  in  obtaining  the  testimony  of  Roberts,  who  had  been 
almost  as  deeply  involved  as  Rogers  himself  in  debt, 
suits,  and  legal  difficulties  ever  since  he  had  been  sent 
home  a  prisoner  from  Mackinac,  and  who,  while  await 
ing  the  opening  of  the  trial  in  Montreal,  was  shortly 
arrested  at  the  instance  of  one  Morrison  of  Oswego, 
with  whom  he  had  disputed  regarding  the  trade  during 

1  Johnson  Mu.t  16,  123. 

143 


PONTEACH  :   OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

his  commissaryship  there.  For  the  defense  Rogers  had 
a  number  of  witnesses,  and  all  his  accounts,  certified  to 
by  some  of  his  officers  as  proper  and  necessary,  besides 
other  documents.  Against  him  Spiessmacher,  Christie, 
and  others  testified,  and  Potter's  affidavit  and  Hopkins' 
letter  were  adduced;  but  the  case  utterly  collapsed 
through  want  of  more  confirmatory  evidence.  "The 
gentlemen  concerned  in  the  prosecution  did  not  have 
the  same  desire  to  do  him  a  prejudice,"  explained 
Johnson,  "as  himself  and  sundry  others  had  to  mani 
fest  his  innocence,  and  induce  the  public  to  deem  the 
whole  a  malicious  attack  upon  a  man  of  worth."  Of 
the  details  of  the  trial  no  record  has  been  preserved. 

During  the  closing  days  of  the  hearing,  while  still 
ignorant  of  how  it  was  tending,  Rogers  addressed  a  me 
morial  to  Hillsborough  from  prison.  "I  make  not  the 
least  doubt,"  he  said,  "that  I  am  honorably  acquitted, 
altho'  witnesses  were  hired  to  swear  falsely  against  me, 
and  my  most  material  ones  prevented  from  coming 
down."  After  a  detailed  account  of  the  cruelty  of  his 
treatment  he  continues:  "My  being  cleared  alone  is 
not  sufficient;  I  must  have  an  opportunity  of  clearing 
up  my  character,  for  which  purpose  I  beg  an  order 
that  Mr.  Roberts,  Captain  Spiessmacher,  and  Lieuten 
ant  Christie  may  be  confined  and  court-martialed;  and 
that  I  may  go  up  country  to  bring  down  my  proper 
evidence,  and  few  remaining  effects."  He  asked  also 
for  a  new  appointment,  either  in  America  or  the  East 
Indies,  and  stated  that  he  intended  coming  to  England 
in  the  autumn.  He  made  it  evident  at  the  same  time, 
by  some  insulting  inquiries  which  he  addressed  to  Gage 
regarding  that  officer's  failure  to  prosecute  Roberts,  that 
his  temper  was  dangerous.  And  so,  in  December,  the 
trial  broke  up.  "I  hope,"  wrote  Johnson  to  Gage, 
"that  t.ny  affairs  of  party  arising  from  the  proceedings 

144 


THE  SECOND  VOYAGE  TO  ENGLAND 

may  totally  subside.  If  not,  it  will  be  easy  to  see  what 
keeps  it  up."  Such  a  subsidence,  as  the  event  proved, 
was  out  of  the  question ;  and  Rogers'  resentment,  car 
ried  before  his  powerful  friends  in  England,  was  to  be 
the  force  to  keep  it  up.  The  major,  nursing  his  anger 
at  what  Johnson  himself  called  the  "indignities"  he 
had  received,  remained  in  Montreal  during  the  winter 
limping  sadly  on  his  injured  leg,  and  everywhere  com 
miserated.  Early  in  May  he  had  a  vicious  quarrel  with 
Roberts  in  the  public  streets  of  the  city,  and,  asking 
him  "if  he  would  give  him  satisfaction  for  bribing 
Potter  to  swear  his  life  away,"  halted  him  with  his 
cane  before  an  excited  crowd  of  townspeople,  called 
him  puppy,  tweaked  his  nose,  and  challenged  him  to  a 
duel.  The  military  commander  in  the  city  was  forced 
to  put  both  men  under  a  bond  to  keep  the  peace;  but 
Roberts  nevertheless  complained  that  "Jones  won't  be 
lieve  Rogers  carries  arms,  and  all  that  is  said  by  every 
body  seems  prepossessed  in  his  favor."1  Already  the 
major  was  skilfully  trying,  with  success  in  Montreal  at 
least,  to  turn  the  tables  of  public  sentiment  upon  his 
enemies.  At  the  coming  of  summer  he  took  ship  for 
England. 

'  Johnson  Mss.t  17,  154. 


'45 


Second  Trip  to  England}  The  Debtor's  Prison;  African  Service}  The 
American  Revolution ;  Last  Years  and  Death. 

There  was  a  multiplicity  of  motives  to  lure  Rogers 
upon  his  second  journey  to  England.  His  most  power 
ful  friends  were  there,  as  his  most  powerful  enemies 
were  in  America.  His  financial  affairs  at  home  lay  in 
utter  ruin,  and  by  the  expedient  of  a  quick  passage  he 
might  escape  his  debtors  until  they  could  instruct  Lon 
don  agents  to  continue  harrying  him.  To  the  public 
he  was  still  favorably  known  across  the  water;  while 
in  his  own  country,  although  he  had  his  eager  partisans 
in  Canada,  where  many  were  induced  to  believe  that 
he  had  been  spitefully  wronged  by  the  tools  of  Johnson, 
a  general  ill-savor  attached  to  his  name.  Finally,  his 
angry  resentment  against  the  commander-in-chief  and 
the  superintendent  of  Indian  affairs  made  it  a  daily 
humiliation  to  remain  longer  upon  a  continent  in  which 
they  were  in  power.  His  three  direct  purposes  at  the 
seat  of  empire  were  to  work  some  malice  against  the 
party  of  Johnson ;  to  obtain  a  fresh  appointment  in 
some  part  of  King  George's  wide  dominions;  and  some 
how,  by  obtaining  payment  for  his  losses  at  Mackinac 
and  elsewhere,  to  find  his  way  through  all  the  mazes 
of  his  indebtedness  to  solvency. 

His  liabilities  totaled  thirteen  thousand  pounds,  and  to 
keep  himself  from  falling  into  a  debtor's  prison  was  his 
immediate  care.  In  May,  soon  after  his  street-quarrel 
with  Roberts,  he  had  left  Montreal  and  proceeded  to 
New  York,  closely  dogged  by  his  creditors,  where  he 

146 


MACHINATIONS  IN  LONDON 

importuned  Gage  for  his  pay  as  commandant  at  Mack- 
inac.  The  general  refused  him,  upon  the  ground  that 
as  his  appointment  was  made  by  the  London  minister, 
it  could  not  go  in  the  American  accounts;  an  answer 
which  filled  the  shrewd  major  with  mingled  regret  and 
rejoicing,  as  it  led  him  to  believe  that  he  had  never 
lost  his  commission,  and  was  still  on  the  active  pay 
roll.1  He  was  able,  however,  to  secure  immediate  pay 
ment  of  his  expenses  at  Montreal,  and  upon  these  slen 
der  resources,  having  secured  signed  leave  of  absence, 
he  left  for  the  mother  country  in  June.2  At  his  arrival 
in  the  capital  he  went  into  residence  near  the  old  house 
of  the  Penn  family,  at  Spring  Gardens  and  Charing 
Cross,  a  very  busy  and  somewhat  fashionable  part  of 
London. 

Here  he  renewed  his  acquaintance  with  William  Fitz- 
herbert  and  other  of  his  old  military  and  political  friends 
in  the  city,  and  set  himself  to  use  every  possible  pa 
tron.  During  October  he  reopened  the  communication 
which  he  had  begun  with  Hillsborough  while  in  prison, 
narrating  in  full  the  grievances  and  injuries  he  had  suf 
fered  since  his  appointment,  and  asking  that  his  lord 
ship  lend  his  potent  influence  to  have  him  remunerated 
for  his  labors  in  the  Northwest.  He  waited,  too,  upon 
Hillsborough  at  that  officer's  public  levees,  with  such 
allies  as  he  could  induce  thus  personally  to  push  his 
suit;3  and  simultaneously  sent  in  a  detailed  account  of 
his  arrears  of  pay  to  the  Treasury.4  Certificates  of  his 
usefulness  and  bravery  he  secured  from  almost  every 
considerable  American  leader  during  the  Seven  Years 
War, — Amherst,  Abercrombie,  Howe,  Moncton,Webb, 
Loudoun,  Eglinton,  and  others;  some  of  them,  deliv- 

1  P.  R.  O.t  C.  O.  5,  Volume  70,  699. 
a  Johnson  Mss.,  I  8,   185. 
3  P.  R.  O.,  C.  O.  5,  Volume  70,  691-9. 
*  Idem,  p.  627. 

'47 


PONTEACH :    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

ered  with  an  alacrity  strongly  suggestive  of  jealousy  of 
Gage  and  Johnson,  added  warm  personal  recommenda 
tions  to  the  more  perfunctory  testimonials.1  He  became 
once  more  a  familiar  figure  at  parties  and  public  recep 
tions.  Finally,  as  a  crowning  mark  of  distinction,  Fitz- 
herbert  presented  him  to  George  III,  whose  royal  hand 
he  kissed  and  to  whom  he  offered  in  person  a  petition 
for  the  reissuance  of  the  lands  once  given  him  on  Lake 
Champlain.3  So  visibly  powerful  were  his  friends, 
whether  disinterested  patrons  or  the  enemies  of  John 
son,  that  for  the  moment  he  became  presumptuous  in 
his  requests.  "The  minister  [Hillsborough]  asked  what 
would  content  him,"  reported  a  correspondent  of  John 
son's  in  February,  1770;  "he  desired  to  be  made  a 
baronet,  with  a  pension  of  600  sterling,  to  be  restored 
to  his  governorship  at  Mackinac,  and  to  have  all  his 
account  paid."3  And  although  these  requests  were  be 
yond  reason,  the  fruits  of  his  energetic  contrivances  and 
motions  were  soon  apparent. 

In  January,  1770,  he  presented  a  final  petition  to 
Hillsborough,  emphasizing  the  fact  that  he  was  an  in 
nocent,  injured  man,  cleared  of  the  unjust  aspersions 
thrown  upon  him,  and  reiterating  his  desire  to  return 
to  his  post  whenever  he  had  been  enabled  to  meet  his 
obligations.4  The  Secretary  of  State  was  at  some  pains 
to  lay  the  matter  before  the  Treasury  Board  in  proper 
form,  and  within  a  few  days  Grey  Cooper,  its  secretary, 
informed  Rogers  that  he  should  be  paid  as  commandant 
at  Mackinac  to  December  21,  1769,  a  date  chosen  as 
terminating  four  years  of  service  under  the  commission 
of  1765.*  Good  fortune  came  not  singly.  With  his 

1  Johnson  MJS.,  19,  112. 

»  Idem,  18,  185.     P.  R.  O.,  C.  O.  5,  Volume  1074,  385- 

3  William  Rivington  ;   Johnson  Mss.,  18,  185. 

4  P.  R.  O.,  C.  O.  5,  Volume  70,  701. 

s  Treasury  Minutes,  December  21,  1769;  July  13,  1770. 

148 


MACHINATIONS  IN  LONDON 

arrears  in  salary  were  also  paid  his  accounts  for  Carver's 
expedition  to  the  West,  covering  bills  not  merely  for 
the  supplies  with  which  he  had  outfitted  his  subordi 
nate  in  1766,  but  for  those,  more  meagre  in  quantity, 
which  he  had  attempted  to  forward  the  lieutenant  early 
the  next  year  at  the  Falls  of  St.  Anthony.1  He  was 
assisted  in  this  by  Carver  himself,  a  fresh  arrival  in 
England,  who  had  petitioned  successfully  during  the 
summer  for  the  eight-shilling  wage  which  Rogers  had 
offered  him.a  There  was  thus  appropriated  to  the  major 
at  the  beginning  of  1770  more  than  ^3000, —  a  truly 
rejuvenating  relief,  enabling  him  to  throw  several  sops 
to  his  pack  of  creditors,  and  to  secure  a  new  hold  upon 
means  of  subsistence  in  the  city.  He  continued,  how 
ever,  to  pray  for  his  salary  as  Indian  commissioner  at 
Mackinac,  for  his  collateral  expenses,  and  for  the  goods 
he  had  given  as  presents  to  the  Indians  —  an  enormous 
sum  still.  At  the  same  time,  having  definitely  lost  his 
post,  he  began  to  push  his  claims  upon  the  government 
for  a  new  situation  in  India  or  America. 

In  his  political  objects,  Rogers  met  for  a  time  with 
success.  Roberts  had  sailed  for  London  in  March, 
1770,  with  letters  of  recommendation  from  Johnson 
Hall,  and  with  several  diplomatic  and  business  com 
missions  to  execute  for  the  Indian  department.  Like 
Rogers,  he  was  so  head  over  heels  in  debt  that  he 
could  escape  from  his  creditors  only  with  difficulty, 
and  before  taking  ship  was  forced  to  secure  a  transfer 
of  suit  in  an  embarrassing  damage  case  brought  by  the 
Mackinac  merchants  whose  rum  he  had  confiscated;3 
and  he,  too,  hoped  to  mend  his  fortunes  by  securing 

1  Johnson  Mss.t  18,  185. 

a  Carver  had  testified  that  it  was  "in  consequence  of  Rogers'  commission 
that  he  undertook  and  performed  his  great  journey."  Board  of  Trade,  Commer 
cial  Papers,  Volume  459. 

3  Johnson  Ma.t  19,  163. 

•49 


PONTEACH :    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

payment  of  ^1000  which  he  had  expended  in  the 
king's  service.1  Long  before  he  sailed  he  received  re 
ports  that  "Rogers  was  making  a  noise  in  England," 
and  implored  Johnson  to  secure  protectors  for  him 
against  one  who  "might  keep  me  in  hot  water."" 
When  shown  on  the  eve  of  his  departure  "the  extra 
ordinary  letter  from  London "  which  told  of  Rogers' 
court  presentation,  he  wrote  again  to  his  superior:  "I 
suppose  I  shall  find  a  strong  party  against  me  by  Rogers, 
and  wish  you  might  send  something  to  the  ministry 
that  would  be  useful  to  support  me  against  the  clamor. 
It  would  be  disgraceful  to  see  that  scoundrel  honored, 
and  I  that  have  served  thirteen  years  unblemished  un 
noticed."3  From  the  unusual  care  with  which  Johnson 
equipped  his  agent,  it  was  clear  that  he  also  had  a  regard 
for  the  pertinacity  and  vigor  with  which  the  ex-com 
mandant  was  organizing  all  the  existing  opposition  to 
the  American  regime.  Nor— were  their  forebodings 
amiss.  Roberts  had  immediate  difficulty  in  seeing  Hills- 
borough,  before  whom  he  was  to  lay  a  plea  that  the 
Northern  Department  be  allowed  more  funds,  and  only 
after  repeated  visits  did  he  "  make  his  lordship  recollect 
that  Johnson  had  mentioned  him  in  his  letters." 4  A 
similar  coldness  elsewhere  convinced  him  that  every 
where  his  paths  had  been  poisoned,  and  his  character 
defamed,  by  his  wily  enemy.  "  Rogers'  story  is  much 
attended  to  by  those  of  the  great,"  he  reported  early  in 
August,  after  a  month  of  fruitless  endeavors,  "who  are 
only  too  glad  to  censure  any  reputation  better  than  their 
own.  Until  that  fellow  is  sent  somewhere,  I  shall  be 
continually  plagued  with  contradicting  his  vile  story."5 

1  Petitions  of  May  27  and  June  9,  1773,  Earl  of  Dartmouth's  unpublished 
papers. 

2  Johnson  Mss.,  19,  179. 

3  Idem,  19,  185. 

*  Idem,  19,   112.  5  Idem,  19,  172. 

150 


MACHINATIONS  IN  LONDON 

He  had  lost  his  position  by  his  trip  to  England,  and 
even  this  fact  the  major  used  against  him.  "Rogers," 
complains  his  second  letter,  "has  reported  that  I  was 
turned  out  of  employment  for  the  ill-treatment  I  gave 
him,  and  he  has  been  too  much  believed.  It  is  unfor 
tunate  that  I  can't  be  introduced  to  more  men  in  au 
thority,  and  so  contradict  in  person  what  I  am  obliged 
to  do  through  various  channels." '  Finally,  the  wide 
spread  nature  of  the  dislike  which  he  found  had  been 
inspired  for  Johnson  and  his  colleague  plainly  puzzled 
him.  "It  is  a  little  odd,"  he  tactfully  informed  his 
own  immediate  chief,  "  how  Rogers  has  procured  aid 
from  Amherst,  Abercrombie,  and  almost  every  other 
field  officer.  It  seems  a  party  against  General  Gage, 
but  time  will  clear  it  up,  and  honesty  triumph."' 

It  was,  however,  only  so  long  as  Rogers  was  able  to 
give  head  to  a  temporary  sentiment  against  the  Ameri 
can  officers  that  his  affairs  prospered ;  und  when  the- 
small  furor  to  which  his  charges,  his  loud  complaints, 
and  his  bitter  vaporings  gave  rise  had  subsided,  and  the 
novelty  of  his  petty  attacks  had  spent  itself  in  vain,  he 
was  once  more  relegated  to  the  chilly  anterooms  of 
noblemen,  and  spent  his  time  in  the  composition  of 
unavailing  petitions  for  further  relief.  Fitzherbert,  it  is 
true,  remained  for  some  time  longer  his  faithful  friend, 
so  that  Roberts  was  informed  in  October,  1770,  that 
three  of  the  ministry  intended  providing  for  Rogers, 
and  that  it  was  thought  he  would  get  a  post  in  the 
East  India  service.3  At  the  same  time,  the  major  found 
ready  allies  in  his  creditors,  anxious  to  help  him  through 
their  London  agents  to  the  money  which  would  satisfy 
their  own  demands.  Six  different  firms,  with  extensive 

•June  12,  1770.      Johnson  Mfs.t  19,  112. 

2  Idem,  19,  112. 

3  Idem,  19,  112,  226. 


PONTEACH :    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

business  and  political  connections,  were  all,  in  Roberts' 
expressive  phrase,  "pushing  for  him"  during  the  period 
that  he  seemed  basking  in  official  favor.  But  they  were 
ready  to  turn  upon  him  the  moment  his  affairs  took  a 
darker  turn, —  a  moment  which,  so  far  was  he  out  of 
his  depth  financially,  so  beyond  reason  were  most  of 
the  claims  in  his  total  of  ^10,000,  even  his  energy  and 
assurance  could  no  longer  postpone.  As  summer  passed 
he  who  had  once  "hummed  all  the  great  people"1  had 
gained  nothing.  In  May,  1771,  he  had  fruitlessly  peti 
tioned  the  Board  of  Trade  for  his  huge  grant  on  Lake 
Champlain,  which,  he  said,  "he  meant  to  occupy  and 
cultivate. "a  For  the  Board's  refusal  he  had  had  in  part 
to  thank  his  old  rival,  for  a  few  days  previously,  at 
Hillsborough's  instance,  Roberts  "was  examined  before 
the  Beard,  and  given  an  opportunity  to  make  known 
the  treatment  he  received  from  Rogers,  and  to  show 
them  how  far  they  had  been  imposed  upon."3 

Other  memorials  met  a  like  fate,  and  matters  went 
rapidly  from  bad  to  worse.  In  November,  1771,  he 
made  a  personal  appeal  to  Hillsborough  in  terms  that 
have  a  note  of  desperation  in  them.  "No  man,  my 
lord,"  he  recites,  "has  gone  through  more  vicissitudes 
of  alternate  hardship  and  success  than  myself;  and  I 
urge  my  case  with  greater  confidence,  now  that  pre 
judice  has  had  time  to  subside,  and  the  world  is  dis 
posed  to  be  just  to  my  character."  The  hackneyed 
story  of  his  long  services  and  unjust  persecution  follows; 
and  he  concludes :  "  I  was  without  cause  dismissed  from 
employ,  and  do  now  stand  consigned  to  inanity,  and 
almost  absolute  want,  with  an  enormous  responsibility 
to  my  expenditures  on  credit  in  the  ranging  and  Indian 

1  Johnson  Mss.,  18,  186. 

3  P.  R.  O.,  C.  O.  j,  Volume  1075,  117. 

3  Johnson  MJS.,  20,  230. 

152 


ROGERS  IN  DEBTORS'  PRISON 

services.  I  implore  your  lordship  to  consider  and  com 
miserate  my  situation."  Yet  he  asked  only  for  a  re 
newal  of  his  commission  as  major,  with  pay  of  fifteen 
shillings  daily.1  In  February,  1772,  he  prayed  the 
Treasury  to  find  means  for  presenting  his  demands  to 
the  House  of  Commons, — a  request  utterly  and  absurd 
ly  impracticable.'  Reports  home  of  his  activities  thence 
forth  became  meagre,  for  he  was  no  longer  a  person  of 
sufficient  importance  to  figure  in  the  letters  to  New  York 
from  London.  Despite  his  many  discouragements,  he 
continued  to  petition  for  his  pay  as  commissary  to 
Mackinac,  and,  on  August  10,  1772  wrote  a  curt  note 
to  Sir  William  Johnson  for  a  certificate  of  his  appoint 
ment  "to  manage  Indian  affairs  at  Mackinac,"  as  also 
for  "a  statement  of  the  commissary's  usual  allowance."3 
At  length  his  debtors  passed  from  urgency  to  threats, 
and  from  threats  to  action.  Early  in  March,  1773,  one 
of  them,  Robert  Hunter,  had  lost  patience,  and  unsuc 
cessfully  petitioned  the  treasury  for  the  value  of  the 
merchandise  supplied  th?  major  in  the  Northwest  in 
1767.*  The  pack  to  whom  he  owed  money  immedi 
ately  closed  in.  On  June  14,  he  was  in  the  Fleet  prison 
for  debt,  complaining  bitterly  that  he  was  in  distress 
for  want  of  every  necessity,  and  greatly  injured  in  his 
health  by  his  long  and  close  confinement.5  In  a  neigh 
boring  cell  was  Benjamin  Roberts,  who,  having  drawn 
on  Johnson  for  £100  to  maintain  himself  in  England, 
had  been  summarily  deserted  by  his  old  friend  and 
patron. 

One  of  the  last  straws  at  which  Rogers  clutched  was 
a  reopening  of  his  old  proposal  for  a  search  after  the 

1  P.  R.  O.t  C.  O.  j,  Volume  154,  18. 

*  Treasury  Minutes,  February,  1772. 

3  Johnson  Ms*.,  zi,  238. 

«  Treasury  Minutes ,   March  7,  1773. 

s  Acts  of  the  Privy  Council,  VI.  538.     Colonial  Scries,  Unpublished  P*per». 

153 


PONTEACH :   OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

Northwest  Passage  in  a  plan  presented  the  Privy  Coun 
cil  in  February,  1772.  As  he  had  done  seven  years  be 
fore,  he  set  before  the  Council  his  unusual  qualifications 
for  such  a  search,  stating  that  as  a  commander  at  the 
farthermost  of  the  Great  Lake  posts,  and  in  "various 
expeditions  which  he  has  made  or  caused  to  be  made" 
therefrom,  he  "  has  gained  information  which  almost 
positively  established  the  existence  of  a  navigable  pas 
sage";  and  he  prayed  "to  be  employed  in  this  time  of 
peace  in  such  an  expedition,  at  a  salary  of  £$  per  day 
as  director  and  conductor  of  the  enterprise."  He  esti 
mated  that  in  all  the  trip  would  consume  three  years, 
and  although  he  insisted  upon  a  party  of  sixty,  includ 
ing  several  officers,  a  geographer,  cartographers,  pion 
eers,  and  fifty  hunters,  he  believed  that  £ij>  ios.  daily 
would  suffice  for  salaries.  The  itinerary  of  his  earlier 
proposal  he  changed  but  slightly.  Leaving  from  the 
Mohawk  in  April  or  May,  he  would  traverse  the  Great 
Lakes  and  Wisconsin  to  the  Falls  of  St.  Anthony,  and 
there  pass  the  first  winter;  the  second  summer  he 
would  push  on  to  the  Pacific,  where  he  would  again 
halt;  and  at  the  coming  of  the  third  spring,  he  would 
strike  north  and  northeast  along  the  coast,  following  its 
rounding  contour,  and  exploring  every  considerable  in 
let,  until  he  found  the  one  which  really  connected  the 
Atlantic  with  the  Pacific.  In  its  return  the  party  would 
pass  through  Japan,  Siberia,  and  Russia.  The  plan 
never  received  really  serious  consideration,  although  it 
was  transmitted  from  the  Privy  Council  to  a  commit 
tee,  thence  to  the  Board  of  Trade,  and  finally  to  the 
Treasury.1 

Of  Rogers'  movements  between  the  middle  of  June, 
1773,  and  the  middle  of  March,  1775,  we  know  almost 
nothing.  On  the  former  date,  he  petitioned  to  the  king 

1  P.  R.  O.,  C.  O.  J2j,  Volume  27,  143. 

•54 


ROGERS  IN  DEBTORS'  PRISON 

from  Fleet  prison  to  grant  him  "sixty  miles  square  on 
the  banks  of  some  great  and  convenient  river  or  lake 
in  America,  that  he  might  compromise  with  his  credi 
tors."  Although  his  memorial  was  recommended  by 
six  of  these  unwearied  pursuers,  and  by  thirteen  gen 
eral  officers  who  had  at  some  time  served  in  America, 
including  many  names  of  distinction,  it  was  refused.1 
The  blank  of  twenty  months  which  follows  was  one 
of  importance  to  an  officer  connected  with  both  English 
and  American  affairs,  for  it  was  a  period  which  saw  the 
two  peoples  rapidly  drifting  into  war.  The  silence  is 
broken  finally  by  a  petition  from  Rogers  to  the  Earl 
of  Dartmouth,  Hillsborough's  successor  as  Secretary  of 
State  for  America,  announcing  the  major's  intention  of 
rejoining  the  army,  and  asking  for  a  renewal  of  his 
commission,  as  "  it  will  prove  of  infinite  service  to  him 
in  many  respects."  He  had  at  that  date  evidently  been 
contemplating  for  some  time  reentrance  into  active  ser 
vice;  for  he  mentions  that  he  had  left  his  commission 
at  one  of  the  under-secretaries'  desk  several  weeks  be 
fore,  and  that  he  had  repeatedly  applied  for  the  renewal 
to  Lord  Barrington,  "who  had  absolutely  refused  to  do 
any  services  for  him.'  *  But  how  had  he  escaped  the 
debtors'  cell  ?  And  how  had  he  spent  the  last  twelve 
month?  As  to  the  first  of  these  questions,  we  know 
only  that  his  brother  James,  already  a  rich  land  holder 
in  New  York,  had  assumed  by  bond  his  most  pressing 
obligations;3  not,  however,  before  Rogers  was  in  such 
desperate  straits  that  he  had  attempted  a  legal  prosecu 
tion  of  Gage  to  reimburse  himself  for  his  expenditures 
in  the  Northwest, —  a  step  which  the  ministry  hastily 
stopped.  As  to  the  second,  we  have  only  Rogers'  un- 

1  Acti.  of  the  Privy  Council,  VI,  538. 

*  Dartmouth  MJS.,  Petition  of  March  13,  1775. 

3  American  Arcbivti,  Series  4,  Volume  3,  865-8. 

»5S 


PONTEACH :   OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

verified  statement  of  a  later  date  to  President  Wheelock 
of  Dartmouth  College,  that  he  had  fought  two  battles 
under  the  Bey  of  Algiers.1  At  all  events,  early  in  1775 
he  was  still  in  London,  free  from  his  most  immediate 
difficulties,  interested  in  the  threatening  aspect  of  colo 
nial  affairs,  and  anxious  to  see  service  again,  either  in 
America  or  in  India.  For  a  time  it  seemed  probable 
that  he  would  go  to  the  latter  field,  for  Dartmouth  not 
only  restored  him  to  his  majority,  upon  half-pay,  but 
recommended  an  application  which  he  made  to  the 
directors  of  the  East  India  Company;  Parliament  re 
solved  during  the  spring,  however,  to  send  no  addi 
tional  officers  there,  and  his  reviving  hopes  fell  short 
of  their  mark.  He  at  once  turned  to  the  other  al 
ternative,  and,  representing  to  Harrington  that  he  was 
seized  with  a  burning  desire  to  visit  his  family  in  the 
New  World,  and  that  business  affairs  required  his  im 
mediate  presence  there,  sailed  on  June  4,  1775,  from 
Gravesend." 

Before  leaving  England  he  was  advised  by  his  politi 
cal  friends  that  if  he  wished  to  obtain  service  in  America 
he  would  do  well  to  attempt  a  repair  of  his  breach  with 
Gage,  widened  so  far  by  his  loud  speeches  in  London 
in  1769  —  70,  and  by  his  more  recent  steps  in  law.3 
Immediately  upon  arriving  in  September  at  Baltimore, 
therefore,  he  wrote  the  commander-in-chief  expressing 
"  equal  hope  and  firm  desire  that  every  past  unhappy 
circumstance  should  be  buried  in  oblivion."  It  was 
clear  that  as  soon  as  he  had  completed  matters  of  bus 
iness  in  the  rebellious  provinces,  he  hoped  again  to 
receive  a  command  under  the  British  flag.  Meanwhile, 
as  he  halted  a  few  days  in  Baltimore  to  acquaint  him- 

1  American  Ar  (hives  t  Series  4,  Volume  3,  265. 

*  Idem,  Volume  4,  158. 

3  Dartmouth  Mss.t  Rogen  to  Powna.ll,  October  3,  1775. 

.56 


ROGERS'  RETURN  TO  AMERICA 

self  with  the  revolutionized  posture  of  affairs  in  British 
America,  he  assumed  a  wisely  conciliatory  and  cordial 
attitude  toward  his  revolted  countrymen. 

Lexington  and  Bunker  Hill  were  now  months-old 
stories;  Boston  was  invested,  and  Washington  had  just 
assumed  command  of  the  besiegers;  Rogers'  old  com 
rade,  Israel  Putnam,  had  been  chosen  one  of  the  four 
major-generals  of  the  colonial  army ;  and  the  Continen 
tal  Congress  was  sitting  at  Philadelphia,  where  a  few 
days  since  it  had  simultaneously  set  forth  the  necessity 
of  taking  up  arms  and  owned  the  continuing  sovereign 
ty  of  the  king.  Rogers  was  rilled  with  shocked  amaze 
ment  at  the  new  spirit  of  resistance  abroad  among  the 
colonists,  writing  to  the  home  government  that  "since 
my  arrival  here  I  have  done  all  I  can  to  undeceive 
these  people,  now  laboring  under  an  unhappy  delu 
sion."1  However,  he  found  it  necessary  to  wait  on  the 
Continental  Congress  at  Philadelphia,  on  September  22, 
to  obtain  a  permit  to  close  his  debts  in  lower  NewYork, 
and  to  arrange  his  affairs  with  his  brother,  resident  above 
Albany.  He  was  duly  given  this  passport,  over  Frank 
lin's  signature,  upon  a  promise  neither  to  bear  arms 
against  the  colonies,  nor  to  supply  information  concern 
ing  their  defenses  to  Gage  or  to  the  ministry.8  While 
in  Philadelphia,  nevertheless,  he  did  not  conceal  the 
fact  that  he  was  on  half  pay,  and  considered  himself 
yet  a  loyal  officer  in  the  king's  army,  and  his  attitude 
here  toward  the  American  radicals  seems  to  have  been 
one  of  rather  unfriendly  neutrality.  Nor  did  he  hesi 
tate,  upon  reaching  New  York,  to  open  negotiations 
with  both  Gage  and  Dartmouth  for  a  command,  com 
plaining  of  the  impossibility  of  maintaining  himself  and 
his  family  upon  half-pay.  In  the  city  he  lodged  at 

1  Rogers  to  Pownall,  October  3,  1775. 

a  American  Archives,  Scries  4,  Volume  3,  865-8. 

157 


PONTEACH :   OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

"  Dr.  Harrison's  on  Broadway,"  and  was  under  the  sur 
veillance  of  the  local  Committee  of  Safety  during  every 
moment  of  his  stay.  In  fact,  he  seems  never  to  have 
entertained,  nor  to  have  given  others  the  impression  of 
entertaining,  any  disposition  to  adhere  to  the  cause  of 
his  fellow  provincials.1 

While  his  military  future  was  still  unsettled,  he  de 
voted  himself  to  business.  From  Governor  Tryon  he 
secured  a  reissue  of  several  old  grants  of  land  along  the 
New  Hampshire  boundary  line,  with  which  to  satisfy 
his  creditors;3  and  early  in  October  he  set  out  north 
through  Albany,  to  join  his  family,  and  to  visit  his 
various  friends  and  relatives.  He  was  halted  on  the 
road  by  what  he  called  "a  severe  attack  of  fever  and 
ague,"  but  finally  pushed  on  to  his  brother  James  in 
Kent,  near  the  Connecticut.  He  then  proceeded  to 
Portsmouth,  where  he  stayed  a  few  days  with  his  wife 
and  young  son,  at  the  home  of  his  aged  and  very  in 
firm  father-in-law, —  evidently  no  very  welcome  guest.3 
He  was  never  to  see  Elizabeth  Rogers  again.  Proceed 
ing  toward  his  farm  at  Rumford,  he  passed  by  way  of 
Hanover,  where  he  stopped  for  dinner  at  the  cultured 
home  of  the  Rev.  Eleazar  Wheelock,  head  of  the  strug 
gling  young  college  there, —  one  of  the  most  interest 
ing  interviews  of  his  whole  career.  He  did  not  impress 
the  venerable  minister  and  educator  favorably.  In  faded 
undress  uniform,  he  was  uncouth  and  ill-restrained  in 
manner,  while  his  splendid  physique  already  showed 
evidence  of  wreck  and  dissipation.  He  talked  boast 
fully  of  his  services  in  Africa,  of  his  large  grants  of 

1  American  Archives,  Series  4,  Volume  3,  913. 

8  Letter  to  Pownall,  October  3,  1775. 

3  Some  doubt  may  be  thrown  upon  his  story  of  the  fever  and  ague  by  his 
wife's  testimony  that  "he  was  in  a  situation  which,  as  her  peace  and  safety  forced 
her  to  shun  and  fly  from  him,  so  decency  forbids  her  to  say  more  upon  so  indeli 
cate  a  subject."  Petition,  to  the  New  Hampshire  General  Assembly,  1778. 

158 


PATRIOT  OR  LOYALIST? 

land,  and  of  flattering  offers  which  he  had  rejected 
from  the  provincial  army,  and  officiously  volunteered 
to  assist  Dr.  Wheelock  in  obtaining  English  aid  for  his 
institution, — a  proposal  which  was  coldly  declined.  All 
Rogers'  movements  were  by  this  time  regarded  with 
suspicion  by  colonial  patriots,  and  next  day  the  minister 
addressed  to  Washington  at  Cambridge  a  full  account 
of  their  meeting.1 

Meanwhile,  having  economically  avoided  payment 
of  his  night's  lodging  at  a  neighboring  inn,  the  shabby 
major  had  fared  on  to  his  farm;  and  from  thence  he 
set  out  again,  in  the  course  of  a  week,  to  return  to  the 
British  headquarters  at  New  York.  Two  interesting 
occurrences  marked  his  homeward  journey.  On  his 
way  to  Medford  he  fell  in  with  a  tall,  alert  lad  of 
fifteen,  and,  struck  by  his  appearance,  engaged  him  in 
conversation.  Finding  that  the  boy  was  the  son  of  his 
old  fellow  in  the  ranging  service,  Captain  John  Stark, 
on  his  way  to  join  his  father  in  camp,  he  paid  his 
reckoning  at  the  hostelry  at  which  they  stopped  at 
noon.  That  night  at  Medford  he  held  a  long  conver 
sation  with  the  elder  Stark,  and  drew  from  him  a 
declaration  of  his  unfaltering  allegiance  to  the  Ameri 
can  cause.3  The  second  incident  was  concerned  with  a 
more  eminent  Continental  officer.  The  next  day,  De 
cember  14,  he  sent  a  letter  by  Stark  to  Washington  in 
the  latter's  entrenchments  before  Boston,  asking  for  a 
continuance  of  his  permit  to  pursue  his  private  affairs, 
as  he  believed  it  would  require  some  months  yet  for 
him  to  settle  with  his  creditors.  "I  have  leave  to  retire 
on  my  half-pay,  and  never  expect  to  be  called  in  ser 
vice  again,"  he  added.  "I  love  North  America;  it  is 
my  native  country ;  and  I  expect  to  spend  the  evening 

1  American  Archives,  Series  4,  Volume  4,  158. 
3  Hurd,  History  of  Merrimac  County,  p.  302. 

'59 


PONTEACH :   OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

of  my  days  in  it." '  This  at  last  was  conscious  duplicity, 
for  he  was  even  then  in  hopes  of  a  fresh  commission. 
Washington's  single  decisive  answer  was  to  order  Gen 
eral  Schuyler  to  keep  a  close  watch  over  the  ranger, 
and  to  make  arrangements  for  a  constant  return  of 
information  concerning  his  motions.  On  January  5, 
1776,  by  the  first  of  these  reports,  the  commander-rin- 
chief  learned  that  the  major  had  set  out  from  Albany 
to  New  York.3  On  the  very  same  day  Lord  Germain, 
three  thousand  miles  away,  wrote  to  General  George 
Howe,  cousin  of  the  young  subaltern  who  had  known 
Rogers  in  the  Seven  Years  War,  and  now  Gage's  suc 
cessor  as  head  of  the  British  army:  "The  king  approves 
of  the  arrangement  you  propose  in  respect  to  an  adju 
tant-general  and  a  quartermaster-general,  and  your  at 
tention  to  Major  Rogers,  of  whose  firmness  and  fidelity 
we  have  received  further  testimony  from  Governor 
Tryon."3  As  the  one  cause  treated  him  with  suspicion 
and  disdain,  the  other  courted  his  assistance. 

Rogers,  however,  was  still  to  wait  some  trying 
months  for  his  appointment;  for  his  business  in  the 
middle  colonies  remained  unfinished,  and  it  was  im 
possible  for  him  in  any  event  to  join  Howe,  closely 
pent  v/ith  an  unaggressive  army  within  Boston.  He 
busied  himself  chiefly  about  New  York,  free  to  come 
and  go  in  its  streets  as  he  pleased,  but  under  a  super 
vision  that  grew  daily  harsher  and  more  minute.  The 
city  was  become  so  patriot  that  Governor  Tryon  and 
his  Council  had  been  forced  to  flee  aboard  the  British 
ship  Asia  in  the  harbor,  and  the  Tory  elements  in  the 
population  concealed  their  sentiments  and  their  hopes 

1  American  Archives,  Scries  4,  Volume  4,  265. 

a  Idem,  p.  581. 

3  Idem,  p.  575.  Gage  had  sailed  for  England  October  10,  1775.  It  was 
advised  by  the  ministry  that  Howe  continue  the  war  from  New  York,  but  he 
remained  at  Boston. 

160 


PATRIOT  OR  LOYALIST? 

in  meekness  and  fear.'  The  half-pay  major,  still  lodg 
ing  on  Broadway,  felt  with  many  others  the  severity 
of  the  party  feeling  manifested  by  the  Whigs,  and  of 
the  radical  restriction  imposed  by  the  great  numbers 
who  were  now  beginning  openly  to  express  their  hopes 
of  an  immediate  declaration  of  independence.  In  the 
preceding  August,  the  Provincial  Congress  of  New  York 
had  resolved  to  punish  by  imprisonment  and  forfeiture 
of  property  those  who  gave  information  or  supplies  to 
the  enemy;  in  September  it  had  authorized  the  seizure 
of  the  arms  of  all  those  who  had  not  sworn  allegiance 
to  the  American  cause;  and  throughout  the  winter  it 
saw  that  the  local  committees  of  safety  kept  a  minute 
watch  over  such  suspects  as  Rogers.  In  his  business 
operations,  the  major  felt  especially  hampered.  During 
February,  1776,  while  he  was  still  soliciting  grants  of 
several  tracts  of  land  within  the  province,  he  was  forced 
to  petition  the  Provincial  Congress  for  permission  to 
attend  "his  excellency  the  governor"  on  board  the 
Duchess  of  Gordon,  then  lying  with  four  other  warships 
between  Nutter's  and  Bedloe's  Islands,  and  not  until  he 
had  carefully  specified  that  it  was  "business  of  a  private 
nature,  and  such  only  as  respects  myself  and  creditors," 
that  rendered  his  attendance  aboard  ship  necessary,  was 
he  given  the  requested  permit. " 

With  the  coming  of  the  colonial  army  a  few  weeks 
later  his  situation  grew  doubly  irksome  and  dangerous. 
On  March  4,  1776,  the  American  commander-in-chief 
had  fortified  Dorchester  Heights,  with  the  result  that 
within  ten  days  Howe  evacuated  Boston,  and,  abandon 
ing  all  his  stores,  set  sail  with  his  troops  and  more  than 
a  thousand  Massachusetts  loyalists  for  Nova  Scotia.  The 

1  For  this  and  other  general  matter  see  C.  H.  Van  Tyne,  The  American  Revo 
lution  (Volume  9  of  The  American  Nation:  A  History},  New  York,  1905. 
8  American  Archives,  Series  4,  Volume  4,  izoi. 

161 


PONTEACH :   OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

continental  headquarters  were  at  once  removed  south 
ward.  On  April  1 3,  Washington  arrived  at  New  York, 
and  for  many  days  thereafter  his  ragged,  ill-fed,  but 
faithful  troops  came  straggling  in  over  the  rough, 
muddy  spring  roads  to  the  port.  Neither  he  nor  his 
men  had  any  sympathy  for  American-born  citizens  who 
still  adhered  to  the  British  cause,  and  living  as  they 
were  in  daily  fear  of  an  English  naval  attack,  they  took 
prompt  measures  to  drive  out  or  chain  up  intestine 
enemies.  "Why,"  asked  Washington,  "should  persons 
who  are  preying  upon  the  vitals  of  the  country  be  suf 
fered  to  stalk  at  large,  whilst  we  know  that  they  will 
do  every  mischief  in  their  power?"1  The  next  few 
weeks  were  weeks  of  terror  to  all  loyalists,  for  they 
were  harried  by  the  militia,  seized  and  imprisoned 
without  mercy,  or  sent  in  exile  to  neighboring  colo 
nies  upon  parole.*  None  of  them  was  an  object  of 
greater  suspicion  than  Rogers,  and  none  was  made  more 
clearly  to  feel  the  uneasy  sufferance  with  which  his 
presence  was  regarded.  Immediately  before  leaving 
Cambridge,  Washington  wrote  Schuyler  at  Albany  that, 
"  Rogers  being  much  suspected  of  unfriendly  views  to 
ward  this  country,  his  conduct  should  be  attended  to 
with  some  degree  of  vigilance  and  circumspection;"3 
and  at  his  arrival  he  detailed  Captain  Peters  of  the 
New  York  colonials  to  preserve  a  close  watch  over  all 
his  goings  and  comings,  and  saw  to  it  that  sources 
of  information  concerning  his  actions  in  New  Hamp 
shire  and  New  York  were  probed. 

His  vigilance  was  not  without  fruit,  for  Rogers  was 
utterly  unable  to  maintain  a  plausible  and  innocent  ap 
pearance.  He  went  north  on  business  again  in  the  late 

1  Washington's  Writings,  Sparks'  Edition,  III,  357. 
3  Calendar  of  New  York  Historical  Mss.t  I,  338. 
3  American  Archives,  Scries  4,  Volume  4,  696. 

162 


PATRIOT  OR  LOYALIST? 

spring;  and  in  returning  in  June  from  the  oversight 
of  his  property  at  Rumford,  he  followed  so  vagrant  a 
course  that  he  was  taken  up  at  South  Amboy,  New  Jer 
sey,  and  examined  in  council  by  Washington,  Greene, 
Stirling,  Mifflin,  and  other  colonial  generals.  He  was 
strongly  suspected  of  activity  as  a  spy,  and  unplaus- 
ibly  pleaded  to  the  commanders  that  he  had  gone  out 
of  his  way  only  to  make  a  secret  offer  of  his  services  to 
Continental  Congress,  showing  as  proof  various  com 
mendatory  letters  which  he  had  secured  from  American 
friends.  The  council,  however,  resolved  that  he  was 
too  dangerous  a  character  to  be  permitted  to  enter  the 
revolutionary  ranks,  and  Washington  sent  him  on  to  his 
destination  with  a  letter  recommending  that  a  deaf  ear 
be  turned  to  his  proffer.  The  step  was  a  wise  one,  for 
at  the  same  moment  (June  25)  the  New  Hampshire 
House  of  Representatives  was  appointing  a  committee 
to  "consider  the  expediency  of  securing  Major  Rogers 
in  consequence  of  sundry  informations  against  him." 
Under  conduct  of  a  guard  detailed  from  Washington's 
camp,  the  major  was  transmitted  to  Philadelphia  in  the 
closing  days  of  June;  and  thus  he  was  present  a  pris 
oner,  lying  in  the  very  shadow  of  Independence  Hall, 
at  the  birth  of  the  United  States.1 

When  he  arrived  on  July  i,  Philadelphia  already  felt 
a  premonition  of  the  great  event.  Hancock  announced 
the  inception  of  the  measure  and  Rogers'  coming  in 
the  same  letter  to  Washington.  "Major  Rogers  is  under 
guard  at  the  barracks,"  he  wrote,  "Congress  having, 
by  a  particular  appointment,  had  under  consideration  a 
momentous  matter  this  day,  which  prevented  their  at 
tention  to  him.  My  next  will  inform  you,  I  hope,  of 
some  very  decisive  measures."3  The  momentous  matter 

1  American  Archives,  Scries  4,  Volume  6,  1 108,  1 109. 
a  Idem,  Volume  6,  1108.      Idem,  Scries  5,  Volume  i,  33. 

163 


PONTEACH:   OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

of  which  he  spoke  was  Richard  Henry  Lee's  motion 
that  "  These  united  colonies  arc,  and  of  right  ought  to 
be,  free  and  independent  states."  Discussion  upon  it  and 
upon  Jefferson's  draft  of  the  Declaration  wholly  en 
grossed  the  next  three  days.  It  was  not  until  July  5, 
when  the  important  step  had  been  debated  and  deter 
mined  upon,  adopted  by  twelve  colonies,  and  signed  by 
the  president  and  secretary,  that  the  major,  waiting  to 
know  his  fate,  was  given  a  moment's  consideration.  It 
was  summarily  ordered  by  Congress  that  he  be  sent  to 
the  New  Hampshire  Assembly  for  final  disposal.  This 
reference  of  the  case  was  notified  to  the  provincial  body 
in  the  same  letter  of  Hancock's,  dated  July  6,  which, 
after  prefacing  that  "altho1  it  is  not  possible  to  foresee 
the  consequences  of  human  actions,  yet  it  is  neverthe 
less  a  duty  which  we  owe  to  ourselves  and  posterity,  in 
all  our  public  councils,  to  decide  the  best  we  are  able, 
and  trust  the  event  of  God,"  heralded  the  dissolution 
of  the  connection  between  the  colonies  and  Great  Brit 
ain.1  But  Rogers  had  no  intention  of  answering  for  his 
alleged  informations  and  treacheries,  and  in  the  early 
morning  of  July  8,  while  still  held  under  a  loose  guard 
at  Philadelphia,  found  means  to  make  his  escape.  The 
Pennsylvania  Committee  of  Safety  offered  a  reward  of 
^50  for  his  head,  but  he  safely  made  his  way  across 
country  to  Staten  Island,  where  Howe,  with  thirty 
thousand  men,  had  just  landed." 

Here  Rogers  was  received  with  open  arms.  Not 
merely  had  Howe  been  assured  of  his  ability  and  held 
previous  communication  with  him,  but  to  an  army 
composed  largely  of  men  untrained  in  New  World 
methods  of  fighting,  unfamiliar  with  the  enemy,  and 
entirely  uncertain  of  i:he  ground  over  which  it  must 

1  American  Archives,  Series  5,  Volume  I,  33. 
*  Idem,  p .  136. 

.64 


SERVICE  WITH  GENERAL  HOWE 

pass,  he  seemed  a  valuable  accession.  He  knew  in 
timately  the  whole  central  region  along  the  Hudson 
and  toward  Philadelphia  in  which  Howe  was  to  oper 
ate,  and  the  temper  and  immediate  resources  of  the 
Americans;  and  he  had  many  Tory  friends  in  the 
neighboring  boroughs  whom  he  could  induce  to  enter 
the  British  army.  In  the  first  days  of  August,  he  was 
given  the  title  of  Lieutenant-Colonel,  and  empowered 
to  muster  a  battalion  of  loyalists,  to  be  called  the 
"Queen's  American  Rangers." 

It  was  only  in  the  first  campaign  after  he  joined  the 
British  army,  however,  —  the  campaign  of  the  autumn 
and  winter  of  1776-7,  along  the  lower  course  of  the 
Hudson,  and  through  New  Jersey, —  that  Rogers'  con 
nection  with  the  American  Revolution  was  one  of  any 
importance.  The  earliest  movements  about  New  York 
demonstrated  that,  however  successful  he  had  been  in 
partisan  fighting,  he  had  little  place  in  an  army  which 
marched,  deployed,  and  fought  in  European  style,  over 
ground  for  the  most  part  well-cleared  and  cultivated, 
and  under  generals  who  realized  all  the  advantages  of  a 
complicated  system  of  military  tactics.  During  Howe's 
preliminary  manoeuvres  to  drive  Washington  out  of 
the  city,  he  was  fortunately  occupied  in  collecting  his 
men,  whom  he  drew  from  all  the  towns  in  lower 
Connecticut,  Long  Island,  and  along  the  New  York 
shore  of  the  Sound.  His  method  of  enlistment  was 
that  time-honored  and  serviceable  one  by  which  he 
offered  a  commission  to  a  chosen  few  who  engaged 
to  bring  '  in  a  certain  quota  of  soldiers;  a  method 
which,  while  it  rapidly  filled  his  ranks,  at  the  same 
time  gave  him  a  corps  of  officers  notable  chiefly  for 
their  inefficiency.  His  allotment  of  four  hundred  men 
made  up,  he  was  sent  to  occupy  that  position  along  the 
front  where  it  was  expected  his  force  of  pickets  and 

,65 


PONTEACH :   OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

scouts  would  prove  of  especial  service.  While  he  was 
enlisting  his  troops,  Howe  had  won  the  battle  of  Long 
Island,  and  forced  Washington  successively  from  Brook 
lyn  Heights  to  New  York,  and  from  New  York  to 
White  Plains,  half-way  to  the  Connecticut  line.  It  was 
in  the  attempt  to  defeat  him  here  during  October  that 
the  commander  of  the  Queen's  Rangers  saw  his  first 
active  fighting  of  the  war. 

On  the  twelfth  of  October,  Howe  landed  a  large 
force  of  men  ten  miles  up  the  East  River,  and  urged 
them  forward  as  rapidly  as  possible  past  Forts  Lee  and 
Washington,  while  he  simultaneously  disembarked 
Rogers  and  others  on  the  shore  of  the  Soand,  hoping 
to  cut  off  the  communication  of  the  Continental  army 
with  Connecticut.  Rogers,  stationed  with  his  battalion 
during  the  past  fortnight  at  Huntington  on  Long 
Island,  had  for  some  time  been  meditating  a  descent ' 
upon  the  colonial  stores  collected  at  Greenwich,  Stam 
ford,  and  Norwalk,  with  the  inlets  and  avenues  to  which 
his  men  were  perfectly  familiar.  Now,  shielding  his 
eastern  wing  with  the  Queen's  Rangers,  the  comman- 
der-in-chief  at  once  began  to  explore  along  the  whole 
front  the  possibility  for  a  general  advance.  As  Rogers' 
outpost  party  was  moved  forward  toward  White  Plains, 
the  force  which  he  commanded  finally  took  a  bold  sta 
tion  at  Mamaroneck,  only  ten  miles  distant  from  the 
American  lines.  Here,  on  the  night  of  October  21, 
he  was  attacked  by  a  regiment  of  nearly  double  his 
own  numbers,  under  Colonel  Haslett,  who  inflicted 
upon  his  men  a  defeat  so  crushing  that  only  the  dark 
ness,  and  the  defection  of  some  of  the  American  guards, 
prevented  their  annihilation.  As  it  was,  they  took 
thirty-six  prisoners,  a  pair  of  colors,  and  many  arms 
and  provisions,  and  drove  back  the  boasted  new  corps 

1  American  Archives,  Series  5,  Volume  2,  1208. 

1 66 


SERVICE  WITH  GENERAL  HOWE 

in  humiliating  disorder.1  Stirling  was  so  pleased  with 
Haslett's  success  that  he  thanked  him  and  his  men 
publicly  on  parade.  The  new  hatred  and  contempt  of 
the  patriots  for  Rogers  is  felt  in  every  letter  reporting 
the  affair.  "The  late  worthless  major  skulked  off  in 
the  dark,"  says  one;  another  speaks  of  him  as  charac 
teristically  "very  careful  to  get  himself  off,  though  he 
often  leaves  his  men  in  the  lurch."9  The  whole  action 
was  but  a  skirmish,  however,  and  with  Washington's 
defeat  at  White  Plains  a  week  later,  the  war  was  car 
ried  southwest  toward  Philadelphia. 

Thus  briefly  and  ingloriously  was  Rogers'  revolution 
ary  career,  to  all  practical  purposes,  ended.  A  few 
weeks  later  the  leadership  of  his  corps  was  given  to 
Colonel  French,  and  then  to  Major  Wemyss;  until 
finally,  on  October  15,  1777,  it  passed  to  Major  J.  G. 
Simcoe,  who  dismissed  the  more  incompetent  officers, 
substituted  southerners  for  them,  and  brought  the  com 
mand  to  a  high  state  of  efficiency.3  Henceforth  the 
now  more  and  more  discredited  major,  apparently  kept 
in  service  chiefly  by  the  memory  of  his  past  achieve 
ments,  was  employed  only  as  a  recruiting  officer.  In 
October,  1778,  he  still  preserved  some  connection  with 
his  corps,  for  at  Quebec  he  petitioned  Haldirnand, 
Governor  of  Canada,  to  be  permitted  to  rejoin  it  3t 
New  York  by  way  of  England,  the  only  route  then 
open,  and  actually  signed  himself  as  its  ranking  officer. 
At  the  same  time  he  was  seeking  employment  at  the 
north,  for  Haldirnand  refused  as  impracticable  his  peti 
tion  to  be  allowed  to  raise  two  battalions  from  the 
neighboring  colonies.  He  was  permitted,  however,  to 
return  for  a  brief  space  to  the  mother  country,  where 
he  still  had  matters  of  business. 

1  American  Archives,  Series  5,  Volume  2,  1270. 

2  Idem,  pp.  1 187  and  1270.        3  See  the  introduction  to  Simcoe's  Journals. 

167 


PONTEACH :   OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

His  stay  in  England  was  brief,  although  we  learn 
from  a  letter  he  later  sent  to  the  governor,  thanking 
him  for  his  leave  of  absence,  that  through  it  he  "found 
means  to  get  provided  for.*'  On  May  i,  1779,  he  was 
back  to  New  York.  Here  he  secured  authority  from 
Clinton  to  attempt  the  recruiting  for  which  Haldimand 
had  withheld  permission,  men  being  sadly  needed  by 
the  British  army,  and  immediately  sent  out  officers  to 
begin  enlistments  in  the  northern  communities  contigu 
ous  with  the  Canadian  border.1  Each  battalion  was  to 
be  commanded  by  a  major,  who  would  issue  his  orders, 
when  the  ranks  were  full,  through  nine  captains  to  six 
hundred  men.  One  of  the  recruiting  agents  for  whom 
the  major  happily  secured  employment  was  his  brother, 
Major  James  Rogers,  who  had  been  totally  ruined  by 
the  confiscation  of  his  wealthy  estate  in  Vermont,  and 
driven  by  the  rapacious  and  vindictive  Whigs  from  his 
wife  and  six  children  into  Canada.3  Rogers  appointed 
him  major  of  one  of  the  two  battalions,  and  in  May, 
1780,  petitioned  Haldimand  to  create  him  also  Lieu 
tenant-Colonel.  He,  and  one  or  two  of  Rogers'  other 
subordinates,  proved  effective  servants,  and  the  corps 
was  shortly  put  upon  a  foundation  which  augured  a 
speedy  organization.  By  this  period  of  the  war,  indeed, 
the  ranger  had  become  known  as  one  of  the  most 
prominent  and  active  of  the  various  leaders  who  drew 
loyalist  volunteers  into  George  Ill's  army,  and  for  his 
pertinacity  in  northern  New  Hampshire  had  been  pro 
scribed  in  November,  1778,  by  the  Representatives  of 

1  For  the  remainder  of  the  references  to  Rogers'  services  as  a  recruiting  offi- 
ccr  see  the  Canadian  Archives,  1888,  Haldirmmd-Collection,  pp.  673-6837 

2  In  the  Proceedings  of  the  Royal  Society  of  Canada,   Series  II,  Volume  6,  is 
an  account  of  James   Rogers  by  one  of  his  descendants.      His  estate  in  what  is 
now   Windham   County,    Vermont,   was  valued   at   ^£3  0,000,    and   compris:d 
22,000  acres.    After  the  war  he  received  a  township  in  the  Frontenac  district  of 
Ontario.    There  is  no  doubt  that  he  was  a  man  of  both  integrity  and  ability.    He 
died  in  1792. 

1 68 


FINAL  RECRUITING  ACTIVITIES 

his  old  colony.1  His  headquarters  he  established  first 
at  St.  John's,  New  Brunswick,  and  later  at  Kamouraska, 
Quebec,  and  successfully  began  to  prosecute  his  enlist 
ments  for  the  King's  Rangers,  as  the  new  troop  was  to 
be  called,  along  the  "eastern  frontiers  of  New  England 
and  Penobscot."  In  the  autumn  of  1779,  having  halted 
for  a  few  days  at  Penobscot  Harbor,  he  witnessed  there 
a  small  naval  battle." 

Had  he  held  to  his  new  task  with  the  energy  with 
which  he  entered  upon  it,— had  he  even  permitted  his 
brother  James  to  prosecute  it  without  hindrance  or 
help  from  himself, —  Rogers  might  successfully  have 
weathered  the  few  remaining  storms  that  could  have 
lowered  about  him  before  the  conclusion  of  the  war, 
and  retired  from  it  with  scarcely  less  honor  than  the 
generality  of  English  officers.  He  was  now  fifty  years 
old,  a  veteran  in  the  service.  The  two  enemies  that 
were  to  interpose  themselves,  however,  were  those  which 
he  had  no  genius  to  conquer, —  dishonesty,  and  his  old, 
drunken,  threadbare  vices  of  everyday  life.  His  semi- 
authoritative  and  detached  position,  allowing  him  to 
spend  much  time  in  Quebec,  Montreal,  and  New  York; 
his  want  of  direct  responsibility  to  any  superior  officer ; 
his  cutting-ofF  from  the  vigorously  hurried  life  of  the 
army  in  the  field,  which  alone  was  sufficient  to  keep 

1  New  Hampshire  State  Papers,  VIII,  810. 

3  One  battalion  of  the  King's  Rangeri  was  destined  for  service  in  Quebec 
Province,  the  other  at  Halifax.  Rogers'  commission  to  the  command  of  the  corps 
was  dated  May  I,  1779,  his  brother  James  was  gazetted  Major  June  z,  1779. 
Eleven  other  newly-appointed  officers  were  sent  northward  on  the  brigantine 
Hawk*  arriving  at  Montreal  in  September,  1779  ;  Rogers,  following  with  his  own 
staff  on  the  sloop  Bloud,  happened  tol>e~at  Penobscot  on  Aug«*t  13,  the  day  the  - 
British  won  a  small  naval  victory  there.  The  total  strength  of  the  Canadian  army 
was  then  six  thousand  men.  For  a  time  much  confusion  was  caused  by  the  fact 
that  Haldimand  was  given  no  definite  instructions  as  to  the  embodiment  of  the 
new  corps.  Finally,  on  his  own  authority,  he  placed  it  upon  a  half-pay  establish 
ment  of  his  own.  Proceedings  of  the  Royal  Society  of  Canada,  Series  II,  Volume 
6,  Section  2,  p.  49. 

169 


PONTEACH :   OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

him  from  liquor  and  gambling,  all  conspired  to  one 
end.  His  time  was  wasted,  his  duties  neglected,  his 
ready  money  laid  waste  and  that  of  his  brother  and  his 
department  peculated,  even  while  the  dragging  war 
revealed  new  resources  and  determination  on  the  part 
of  the  Americans,  and  called  with  more  urgency  for 
the  men  he  might  have  sent. 

In  September,  1779,  Rogers  reported  to  Haldimand 
at  Quebec  that  he  had  raised  seven  hundred  men,  for 
whose  expenses,  with  his  own,  he  sent  in  a  requisition 
for  ^£500.  His  success  elicited  general  congratulation; 
which  abruptly  ceased  when  in  the  early  spring,  it  hav 
ing  become  necessary  to  move  these  troops  forward,  it 
appeared  that  their  number  had  unaccountably  dropped 
to  forty.  Meanwhile,  the  major  had  spent  the  winter 
months  in  Quebec,  where  he  drew  money  on  the 
accounts  of  his  subordinate  officers,  and  spent  it  in 
drunken  and  riotous  revellings.  One  lieutenant,  named 
Longstreet,  whom  he  thus  cheated  of  ^£25,  was  espe 
cially  bitter  against  him,  and  complained  loudly  to 
Haldimand.  In  March  he  was  deeper  than  ever  in  his 
evil  courses,  and  the  governor  found  difficulty  in  getting 
him  to  return  to  the  front;  he  reprimanded  Rogers 
severely  when,  ten  days  after  the  major  had  announced 
his  departure,  and  drawn  money  and  other  necessities 
for  his  journey,  an  aide  found  him  still  skulking  about 
the  streets  of  the  town.  When  iinally  he  set  out  for 
Kamouraska,  he  "contracted  debts  and  drew  bills  the 
whole  way,"  as  Haldimand's  secretary  tells  us,  and 
"thoroughly  disgraced  and  injured  the  whole  cause." 
It  had  become  evident  by  this  time  that  it  would  be 
suicidal  to  the  British  hopes  of  drawing  many  volun 
teers  from  the  loyalists  along  the  northern  frontier  to 
permit  so  disreputable  an  officer  to  remain  in  charge 
of  the  enlistment.  On  March  20,  Rogers  wrote  from 

170 


FINAL  RECRUITING  ACTIVITIES 

the  Lac  du  Grand-Portage,  on  his  way  south,  that  he 
hoped  "his  excellency  will  overlook  anything  wherein 
I  have  given  offense,  as  I  have  nothing  more  at  heart 
than  his  majesty's  service."  He  was  immediately  made 
to  realize,  however,  that  his  best  safety  lay  in  a  com 
plete  evasion  of  Haldimand's  condemnation.  On  April 
26,  1780,  he  fled  to  Halifax  to  board  a  ship,  on  which 
he  sailed  for  England  a  few  days  later;  writing  his 
brother  James  on  the  eve  of  his  departure  that  he  was 
sorry  his  affairs  were  in  such  confusion,  and  that  he 
would  send  an  agent  back  to  America  to  arrange  for 
meeting  his  financial  obligations. 

In  July,  there  came  as  a  last  echo  of  his  service  a 
number  of  bills  which  he  had  contracted  at  Kamour- 
aska;  they  were  drawn  on  his  brother  James,  whom 
they  left  financially  prostrate,  while  as  a  humiliation  of 
the  Canadian  organization  for  recruiting  they  thorough 
ly  angered  Haldimand.  Rogers,  however,  still  retained 
his  command,  for  his  commission  had  been  issued  by 
Clinton,  and  it  was  not  in  Haldimand's  power  to  re 
voke  it;  and  even  James,  sensitive  under  the  stigma  of 
his  brother's  disgrace,  unable  to  meet  any  fresh  debts 
drawn  upon  the  "King's  Rangers,"  and  moreover  em 
broiled  in  disagreeable  quarrels  with  officers  enlisting 
for  rival  branches,  was  unable  to  resign  his  post  and 
take  a  fresh  commission  under  Haldimand  himself. 
After  several  futile  attempts  at  escape,  he  devoted  him 
self  manfully  to  his  task  of  completing  the  Rangers, 
beset  by  manifold  jealousies  and  difficulties,  and  when 
the  war  was  over  had  rostered  and  equipped  four  com 
panies.  The  promised  agent  from  his  brother  never 
came  to  assist  him,  and  of  course  Robert  Rogers  him 
self  never  touched  American  soil  again.  The  last  full 
reference  to  him  written  on  this  continent  is  in  a  letter 
of  his  brother's,  bearing  a  date  virtually  coincident  with 

171 


PONTEACH :   OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

his  departure:  "The  conduct  of  my  brother  of  late  had 
almost  unmanned  me.  When  I  was  last  in  Quebec  I 
often  wrote  to  and  told  him  my  mind  in  regard  to  it, 
and  as  often  he  promised  to  reform.  I  am  sorry  his 
good  talents  should  so  unguarded  fall  a  prey  to  intem 
perance." 

On  May  18,  1795,  Rogers  died  in  poor  lodgings  in 
a  populous  and  busy  part  of  south  London.1  Of  the 
conduct  of  his  life  after  leaving  Halifax  fifteen  years 
before  we  know  nothing.  There  is  a  tradition  in  his 
family,  recorded  in  every  account  of  the  ranger's  career, 
but  unsupported  by  any  contemporary  evidence,  that  his 
last  years  were  improvident  and  vicious, — a  tradition  in 
full  harmony  with  our  knowledge  of  his  character  and 
tendencies  at  the  time  of  his  return  to  England.  That 
they  were  also  accompanied  by  the  disease  and  infirmity 
that  his  evil  habits  and  once  great  hardships  had  ensured 
there  can  be  little  doubt.  Our  only  means  of  tracing 
his  continued  existence,  however,  lies  in  the  fact  that 
after  the  conclusion  of  peace  with  the  United  States  in 
1783  his  name  occurs  regularly  on  the  Half- Pay  Reg 
isters,  where  he  is  credited  with  a  daily  stipend  of  eight 
shillings  five  pence,  a  sum  ample  for  the  maintenance 
of  life  in  comfort.  He  never  left  the  city,  and,  dying 
where  he  had  lived,  in  the  parish  of  Newington  Butts, 
was  buried  five  days  later  in  the  grounds  of  the  old 
church  of  St.  Mary  Newington.  His  grave  is  now  un 
known;  for  the  church  has  been  torn  down  and  the 
churchyard  paved  over.  He  left  no  will,  and  his  estate, 
valued  at  but  ^100,  was  assigned  to  John  Walker,  a 
crecitor.3  No  one,  so  far  as  we  know,  mourned  his 
going.  His  wife  had  been  divorced  from  him  by  a 
decree  of  the  New  Hampshire  legislature,  seventeen 

1  Paymaster-General's  Books,  1795. 
*  Administration  Act  Book,  1796. 

172 


DEATH  IN  LONDON 

years  before,  and — she  having  remarried — his  only 
son  had  grown  up  under  an  alien  roof,  among  patriot 
Americans  who  regarded  all  loyalists  with  opprobrium.' 
He  died  in  total  obscurity,  and  no  newspaper  or  news 
letter,  in  either  America  or  England,  chronicled  his 
going  in  its  curtest  list  of  obituaries. 

1  This  divorce  was  granted  by  legislative  action  on  March  4,  1778.  New 
Hampshire  State  Papers,  VIII,  776.  After  her  divorce  Elizabeth  Rogers  married 
Captain  John  Roach,  a  retired  British  sea-captain,  living  with  him  upon  the  Rogers 
estate  just  outside  Concord  until  her  death  in  1812.  The  land  and  the  old  house 
descended  to  her  son  Arthur  Rogers,  who  after  living  many  years  in  Portsmouth, 
and  practising  law  there,  1793-4,  died  there  in  1841,  leaving  three  children  in 
respectable  standing  in  San  Domingo. 


173 


LITERARY  BIBLIOGRAPHY. 

Works  of  Robert  Rogers. 

A  Concise  Account  of  North  America.  London,  John  Millan. 
1765. 

The  Journals  of  Major  Robert  Rogers.  London,  John  Millan. 
1765. 

The  Same.     Dublin,  J.  Potts.  .  1770. 

The  Same.  Edited  with  an  Introduction,  Notes,  and  an  Ap 
pendix,  by  Dr.  F.  B.  Hough.  Albany,  J.  Munsell's  Sons. 
1883. 

A  Journal  of  the  Siege  of  Detroit.  Edited  with  Notes  by 
Franklin  B.  Hough.  Albany,  J.  Munsell.  1860. 

Ponteach;  or  the  Savages  of  North  America.  A  Tragedy. 
London,  John  Millan.  1766. 

Reminiscences  of  the  French  War  (Rogers'  Journals).  Con 
cord,  New  Hampshire,  L.  Roby.  1831. 

Criticism. 
The   Literary   History   of  Philadelphia.      By   Ellis   P.  Ober- 

holtzer.      Philadelphia,   1906. 
History  of  the  Conspiracy  of  Pontiac.     By  Francis  Parkman. 

Boston,  1851. 
American  Literature  in  the  Colonial  and  National  Periods.    By 

Lorenzo  Sears.     Boston,  1902. 
The  Literary  History  of  the  American  Revolution,  1763-1783. 

By  Moses  Coit  Tyler.     New  York,  1897. 
A  History  of  American   Literature.     By   Moses  Coit  Tyler. 

New  York,  1879. 


PONTEACH: 
OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA. 


PONTEACH: 


o  R  T  H  E 


Savages  of  America. 


TRAGEDY. 


LONDON: 

Printed  for  the  Author ;  and  Sold  by  J.  MILL  AN, 
oppofite  the  Admiralty ,  Whitehall. 

M.DCCLXVI. 
[    Price   as.  6d.  J 


DRAMATIS  PERSONS. 


PONTEACH, 

PHILIP  an.1  CHE- 
KITAN. 

1 

Indian  En^ertr  ta  tbt  treat  Lakes.  — 

Sons  of  Pont  each. 

TENESCO, 

His  cbief  Counsellor  and  Generalissimo. 

AST  IX  AGO,      - 
The  BEAR, 
The  WOLF. 

! 

Indian  Kings  wbo  join  with  Ponteatb. 

TORAX  and  MO- 
NELIA 

} 

Son  and  Daughter  to  Hendrick, 
Emperor  of  the  Mohawks. 

Indian        ... 

Conjurer. 

French       - 

Priest. 

SHARP,         -     - 
GRIPE,         -     - 
CATCHUM,     - 

1 

Three  English  Governors. 

Colonel  COCKUM 
Captain  FRISK 

} 

Commanders  at  a  Garrison  in  Pon- 
teach's  Country. 

M'DOLE  and 
MURPHEY 

t 

Two  Indian  Traders. 

HONNYMAN  and 
ORSBOURN 

i 

Two  English  Hunters. 

MRS.  HONNYMAN     Wife  to  Honnyman  the  Hunttr. 
Warriors,  Messengers,  Sec. 


PONTEACH: 
OflrTHE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA. 

ACT  I. 

SCENE  I. —  An  Indian  Trading  House, 

Enter  M'Dole  and  Murphey,  Two  Indian  Traders, 

and  their  Servants. 

M'Dole. 

So,  Murpbey  y  you  are  come  to  try  your  Fortune 
Among  the  Savages  in  this  wild  Desart? 

Murpbey.    Ay,  any  Thing  to  get  an  honest  Living, 
Which  'faith  I  find  it  hard  enough  to  do ; 
Times  are  so  dull,  and  Traders  are  so  plenty,1 
That  Gains  are  small,  and  Profits  come  but  slow. 

M'Dole.    Are  you  experienc'd  in  this  kind  of  Trade  ? 
Know  you  the  Principles  by  which  it1  prospers, 
And  how  to  make  it  lucrative  and  safe? 
If  not,  you're  like  a  Ship  without  a  Rudder, 
That  drives  at  random,  and  must  surely  sink. 

Murpbey.    I'm  unacquainted  with  your  Indian  Commerce. 
And  gladly  would  I  learn  the  Arts  from  you 
Who're  old,  and  practis'd  in  them  many  Years. 

M'Dole.    That  is  the  curst  Misfortune  of  our  Traders, 
A  thousand  Fools  attempt  to  live  this  Way, 
Who  might  as  well  turn  Ministers  of  State. 
But,  as  you  are  a  Friend,  I  will  inform  you 
Of  all  the  secret  Arts  by  which  we  thrive, 
Which  if  all  practis'd,  we  might  all  grow  rich, 
Nor  circumvent  each  other  in  our  Gains. 
What  have  you  got  to  part  with  to  the  Indian*  ? 

1  Cf.  Johnson  Mss.,  24,  6.     Abercrombie  condemns  the  vast  extent  of  the 
illicit  fur-trade  in  Pennsylvania. 

'79 


PONTEACH :    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

Murpbey.  I've  Rum  and  Blankets,  Wampum,  Powder,  Bells, 
And  such-like  Trifles  as  they're  wont  to  prize. 

M'Dole.    'Tis  very  well :  your  Articles  are  good : 
But  now  the  Thing's  to  make  a  Profit  from  them, 
Worth  all  your  Toil  and  Pains  of  coming  hither. 
Our  fundamental  Maxim  then  is  this, 
That  it's  no  Crime  to  cheat  and  gull  an  Indian.'9 

Murpbey.    How !  Not  a  Sin  to  cheat  an  Indian,  say  you? 
Are  they  not  Men  ?  hav'nt  they  r*  right  to  Justice 
As  well  as  we,  though  savage  in  their  Manners  ? 

M'Dole.    Ah  !   If  you  boggle  here,  I  say  no  more; 
This  is  the  very  Quintessence  of  Trade, 
And  ev'ry  Hope  of  Gain  depends  upon  it; 
None  who  neglect  it  ever  did  grow  rich, 
Or  ever  will,  or  can  by  Indian  Commerce. 
By  this  old  Ogden  built  his  stately  House, 
Purchas'd  Estates,  and  grew  a  little  King. 
He,  like  an  honest  Man,  bought  all  by  Weight, 
And  made  the  ign'rant  Savages  believe 
That  his  Right  Foot  exactly  weigh'd  a  Pound:3 
By  this  for  many  Years  he  bought  their  Furs, 
And  died  in  Quiet  like  an  honest  Dealer. 

Murpbey.    Well,  I'll  not  stick  at  what  is  necessary; 
But  his  Device  is  now  grown  old  and  stale, 
Nor  could  I  manage  such  a  barefac'd  Fraud. 

M'Dole.    A  thousand  Opportunities  present 
To  take  Advantage  of  their  Ignorance ; 

1  CT.  Johnson  Mss.t  5,  153.  Egremont  to  Amherst ;  pointing  to  the  neces 
sity  of  correcting  the  trickery  of  Indian  traders  in  their  dealings  with  the  Indians 
and  compelling  imitation  of  the  more  honorable  French  practice.  Also  Idem, 
5,  108. 

3  "The  English  fur-trade  had  never  been  well  regulated,  and  it  was  now  in 
a  worse  condition  than  ever.  Many  of  the  traders,  and  those  in  their  employ, 
were  ruffians  of  the  coarsest  stamp,  who  vied  with  each  other  in  the  worst  rapa 
city,  violence,  and  profligacy.  They  cheated,  cursed,  and  plundered  the  Indians, 
and  outraged  their  families ;  offering,  when  compared  with  the  French  traders, 
who  were  under  better  regulation,  a  most  unfavorable  example  of  the  character 
of  their  nation."  Parkman,  The  Conspiracy  of  Pontiac,  Chapter  VII.  See 
Colonial  History  of  New  York,  VII,  995. 

3  This  classic  method  of  cheating  the  Indians  is  probably  best  known  through 
Washington  Irving' s  ludicrous  description  of  its  practice  by  the  Dutch  in  his 
Knickerbocker  History  of  New  York. 

1 80 


PONTEACH :    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

But  the  great  Engine  I  employ  is  Rum,1 

More  pow'rful  made  by  certain  strength'ning  Drugs, 

This  I  distribute  with  a  lib'ral  Hand, 

Urge  them  to  drink  till  they  grow  mad  and  valiant; 

Which  makes  them  think  me  generous  and  just, 

And  gives  full  Scope  to  practise  all  my  Art. 

I  then  begin  my  Trade  with  water'd  Rum, 

The  cooling  Draught  well  suits  their  scorching  Throats. 

Their  Fur  and  Peltry  come  in  quick  Return : 

My  Scales  are  honest,  but  so  well  contriv'd, 

That  one  small  Slip  will  turn  Three  Pounds  to  One ; 

Which  they,  poor  silly  Souls !  ignorant  of  Weights 

And  Rules  or  Balancing,  do  not  perceive. 

But  here  they  come ;  you'll  see  how  I  proceed. 

Jack,  is  the  Rum  prepar'd  as  I  commanded  P 

Jack.    Yes,  Sir,  all's  ready  when  you  please  to  call. 

M'Do/e.    Bring  here  the  Scales  and  Weights  immediately. 
You  see  the  Trick  is  easy  and  conceal'd. 

(Skewing  bow  to  slip  the  Scales. 

Murpbey.    By  Jupiter ,  it's  artfully  contriv'd; 
And  was  I  King,  I  swear  I'd  knight  th'  Inventor. 
—  ST0;#,  mind  the  Part  that  you  will  have  to  act. 

Tom,  Ah,  never  fear,  I'll  do  as  well  as  Jack. 
But  then,  you  know,  an  honest  Servant's  Pains 
Deserves  Reward. 

Murpbey.    O  !   I'll  take  care  of  that. 

Enter  a  Number  of  Indians  with  Packs  of  Fur. 

ist  Indian.    So,  what  you  trade  with  Indians  here  to-day? 
M'Dole.    Yes,  if  my  Goods  will  suit,  and  we  agree. 
2nd  Indian.    'Tis  Rum  we  want,  we're  tired,  hot,  and  thirsty. 
jrd  Indian.    You,  Mr.  Englishman,  have  you  got  Rum? 

1  "The  Indians  dwindle  away  .  .  .  chiefly  because  when  settled  among  the 
English  they  have  better  opportunity  of  procuring  spirituous  liquors,  of  which 
they  are  inordinately  fond  ;  and  very  little  care  has  ever  been  taken  to  prevent 
those  who  are  incl:ned  to  take  advantage  of  them  in  trade  from  debauching  them; 
by  which  means,  where  there  were  considerable  settlements  of  them  a  few  yetr» 
since,  their  name  is  now  almost  totally  extinct."  Rogers,  A  Concise  Account  of 
North  America,  p.  i  52.  See  also  Johnson  Mu.t  24  :  11,12;  Johnson,  engaged 
(July,  1758,)  in  bringing  an  Indian  party  up  to  Fort  Edward,  disgustedly  charge* 
his  delay  to  an  illicit  rum-trade,  and  aska  power  to  quash  it. 


PONTEACH :    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

M'Dole.    Jack,  bring  a  Bottle,  pour  them  each  a  Gill. 
You  know  which  Cask  contains  the  Rum.    The  Rum  ? 

///  Indian.    It's  good  strong  Rum,  I  feel  it  very  soon. 

AT  Dole.    Give  me  a  Glass.    Here's  Honesty  in  Trade; 
We  English  always  drink  before  we  deal. 

2nd  Indian.    Good  Way  enough;   it  makes  one  sharp  and 
cunning. 

M'Dole.    Hand  round  another  Gill.    You're  very  welcome. 

jrd  Indian.  Some  say  you  Englishmen  are  sometimes  Rogues ; 
You  make  poor  Indians  drunk,  and  then  you  cheat. 

///  Indian.    No,  English  good.  The  Frenchmen  give  no  Rum. 

2nd  Indian.    I  think  it's  best  to  trade  with  Englishmen. 

M'Dole.    What  is  your  Price  for  Beaver  Skins  per  Pound?1 

2nd  Indian.     How  much  you  ask  per  Quart  for  this  strong 
Rum? 

M'Dole.    Five  Pounds  of  Beaver  for  One  Quart  of  Rum. 

1st  Indian.    Five  Pounds?    Too  much.    Which  is't  you  call 
Five  Pound  ? 

M'Dole.    This  little  Weight.    I  cannot  give  you  more. 

1st  Indian.  Well,  take  'cm  ;  weigh  'em.  Don't  you  cheat  us  now. 

M'Dole.    No:   He  that  cheats  an  Indian  should  be  hang'd. 

(Weighing  the  Packs. 

There's  Thirty  Pounds  precisely  of  the  Whole; 
Five  times  six  is  Thirty.    Six  Quarts  of  Rum. 
Jack,  measure  it  to  them ;  you  know  the  Cask. 
This  Rum  is  sold.    You  draw  it  off  the  best. 

(Exeunt  Indians  to  receive  their  Rum. 

Murphey.    By  Jovf,  you've  gain'd  more  in  a  single  Hour 
Than  ever  I  have  done  in  Half  a  Year; 
Curse  on  my  Honesty !   I  might  have  been 
A  little  King,  and  liv'd  without  Concern, 
Had  I  but  known  the  proper  Arts  to  thrive. 

M'Dole.    Ay,  there's  the  Way,  my  honest  Friend,  to  live. 

(Clapping  his  Shoulder. 

There's  Ninety  Weight  of  Sterling  Beaver  for  you, 
Worth  all  the  Rum  and  Trinkets  in  my  Store; 
And,  would  my  Conscience  let  me  do  the  Thing, 

1  In  1765,  according  to  Alexander  Henry,  beaver  was  worth  two  shillings 
sixpence  per  pound  at  Mackinac,  or  one-half  pound  of  powder,  or  one  pound  of 
shot,  or  one-tenth  of  a  blanket.  Travels  and  Adventures,  Bain's  Edition,  Boston, 
1901,  p.  187. 

182 


PONTEACH :    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

I  might  enhance  my  Price,  and  lessen  theirs, 
And  raise  my  Profits  to  an  higher  Pitch. 

Murpbey.    I  can't  but  thank  you  for  your  kind  Instructions, 
As  from  them  I  expect  to  reap  Advantage. 
But  should  the  Dogs  detect  me  in  the  Fraud, 
They  are  malicious,  and  would  have  Revenge. 

M'Dole.    Can't  you  avoid  them?  Let  their  Vengeance  light 
On  others  Heads,  no  matter  whose,  if  you 
Are  but  secure,  and  have  the  Gain  in  Hand: 
For  they're  indiff'rent  where  they  take  Revenge, 
Whether  on  him  that  cheated,  or  his  Friend, 
Or  on  a  Stranger  whom  they  never  saw, 
Perhaps  an  honest  Peasant,  who  ne'er  dreamt 
Of  Fraud  or  Villainy  in  all  his  life; 
Such  let  them  murder,  if  they  will  a  Score, 
The  Guilt  is  theirs,  while  we  secure  the  Gain, 
Nor  shall  we  feel  the  bleeding  Victims  Pain. 

(Exeunt. 


SCENE   II. —  A  Desart. 
Enter  Orsbourn  and  Honnyman,  Two  English  Hunters. 

Orsbourn. 

Long  have  we  toil'd,  and  rang'd  the  Woods  in  vain, 
No  Game,  nor  Track,  nor  Sign  of  any  Kind 
Is  to  be  seen;   I  swear  I  am  discourag'd 
And  weary'd  out  with  this  long  fruitless  Hunt. 
No  Life  on  Earth  besides  is  half  so  hard, 
So  full  of  Disappointments,  as  a  Hunter's: 
Each  Morn  he  wakes  he  views  the  destin'd  Prey, 
And  counts  the  Profits  of  th'  ensuing  Day; 
Each  Ev'ning  at  his  curs'd  ill  Fortune  pines, 
And  till  next  day  his  Hope  of  Gain  resigns. 
By  Jove,  I'll  from  these  Desarts  hasten  home, 
And  swear  that  never  more  I'll  touch  a  Gun. 

Honnyman.    These  hateful  Indians  kidnap  all  the  Game. 
Curse  their  black  Heads  !  they  fright  the  Deer  and  Bear, 
And  ev'ry  Animal  that  haunts  the  Wood, 
Or  by  their  Witchcraft  conjure  them  away. 
No  Englishman  can  get  a  single  Shot, 

183 


PONTEACH:    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

While  they  go  loaded  home  with  Skins  and  Furs. 
'Twere  to  be  wish'd  not  one  of  them  survived, 
Thus  to  infest  the  World,  and  plague  Mankind. 
Curs'd  Heathen  Infidels !  mere  savage  Beasts ! 
They  don't  deserve  to  breathe  in  Christian  Air, 
And  should  be  hunted  down  like  other  Brutes. 

Orsbourn.    I  only  wish  the  Laws  permitted  us 
To  hunt  the  savage  Herd  where-e'er  they're  found; 
I'd  never  leave  the  Trade  of  Hunting  then, 
While  one  remain'd  to  tread  and  range  the  Wood. 

Honnyman.    Curse  on  the  Law,  I  say,  that  makes  it  Death 
To  kill  an  Indian^  more  than  to  kill  a  Snake. 
What  if  'tis  Peace?  these  Dogs  deserve  no  Mercy; 
Cursed  revengeful,  cruel,  faithless  Devils ! 
They  kill'd  my  Father  and  my  eldest  Brother. 
Since  which  I  hate  their  very  Looks  and  Name. 

Orsbourn.    And  I,  since  they  betray'd  and  kill'd  my  Uncle; 
Hell  seize  their  cruel,  unrelenting  Souls! 
Tho   these  are  not  the  same,  'twould  ease  my  Heart 
To  cleave  their  painted  Heads,  and  spill  their  Blood. 
I  abhor,  detes,    *~d  hate  them  all, 
And  now  cou'd  c-,.  an  Indian  s  Heart  with  Pleasure. 

Honnyman.    I'd  join  you,  and  soop  his  savage  Brains  for  Sauce; 
I  lose  all  Patience  when  I  think  of  them, 
And,  if  you  will,  we'll  quickly  have  Amends 
For  our  long  Travel  and  successless  Hunt, 
And  the  sweet  Pleasure  of  Revenge  to  boot. 

Orsbourn.    What  will  you  do?   Present,  and  pop  one  down? 

Honnyman.  Yes,  faith,  the  first  we  meet  well  fraught  with  Furs ; 
Or  if  there's  Two,  and  we  can  make  sure  Work, 
By  Jove,  we'll  ease  the  Rascals  of  their  Packs, 
And  send  them  empty  home  to  their  own  Country. 
But  then  observe,  that  what  we  do  is  secret, 
Or  the  Hangman  will  come  in  for  Snacks. 

Orsbourn.    Trust  me  for  that;  I'll  join  with  all  my  Heart; 
Nor  with  a  nicer  Aim,  or  steadier  Hand, 
Would  shoot  a  Tyger  than  1  would  an  Indian. 
There  is  a  Couple  stalking  now  this  Way 
With  lusty  Packs;  Heav'n  favour  our  Design. 

Hon.    Silence ;  conceal  yourself,  and  mind  your  Eye. 

Orsbourn.    Are  you  well  charg'd? 

.84 


PONTEACH:    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

Honnyman.    I  am.    Take  you  the  nearest, 
And  mind  to  fire  exactly  when  I  do. 

Orsbourn.    A  charming  Chance! 

Honnyman.    Hush,  let  them  still  come  nearer. 

(They  shoot,  and  run  to  rifle  tbt  Indians. 
They're  down,  old  Boy,  a  Brace  of  noble  Bucks! 

Orsbourn.    Well  tallow'd,  faith,  and  noble  Hides  upon  'em. 

(Taking  up  a  Pack. 

We  might  have  hunted  all  the  Season  thro' 
For  Half  this  Game,  and  thought  ourselves  well  paid. 

Honnyman.    By  Jove,  we  might,  and  been  at  great  Expence 
For  Lead  and  Powder,  here's  a  single  Shot. 

Orsbourn.    I  swear  I've  got  as  much  as  1  can  carry. 

Honnyman.    And  faith  I'm  not  behind;  this  Pack  is  heavy. 
But  stop ;  we  must  conceal  the  tawny  Dogs, 
Or  their  blood-thirsty  Countrymen  will  find  them, 
And  then  we're  bit.    There'll  be  the  Devil  to  pay, 
They'll  murder  us,  and  cheat  the  Hangman  too. 

Orsbourn.    Right.   We'll  prevent  all  Mischief  of  this  Kind. 
Where  shall  we  hide  their  savage  Carcases? 

Honnyman.    There  they  will  lie  conceal'd  and  snug  enough  — 

(They  cover  them. 

But  stay  —  perhaps  ere  long  there'll  be  a  War, 
And  then  their  Scalps  will  sell  for  ready  Cash, 
Two  Hundred  Crowns  at  least,  and  that's  worth  saving. 

Orsbourn.    Well !   that  is  true,  no  sooner  said  than  done  — 

(Drawing  bis  Knife. 
I'll  strip  this  Fellow's  painted  greasy  Skull.     (Strips  off  the  Scalp. 

Honnyman.     A  damn'd  tough  Hide,  or  my  Knife's  devilish 
dull —  (Takes  the  other  Scalp. 

Now  let  them  sleep  to  Night  without  their  Caps, 
And  pleasant  Dreams  attend  their  long  Repose. 

Orsbourn.    Their  Guns  and  Hatchets  now  are  lawful  Prize, 
For  they'll  not  need  them  on  their  present  Journey. 

Honnyman.    The  Devil  hates  Arms,  and  dreads  the  smell  of 

Powder; 

He'll  not  allow  such  Instruments  about  him, 
They're  free  from  training  now,  they're  in  his  Clutches. 

Orsbourn.    But,  Honnyman,  d'ye  think  this  is  not  Murder? 
I  vow  I'm  shock'd  a  little  to  see  them  scalp'd, 
And  fear  their  Ghosts  will  haunt  us  in  the  Dark. 

.85 


PONTEACH :    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

Honnyman.    It's  no  more  Murder  than  to  crack  a  Louse,1 
That  is,  if  you've  the  Wit  to  keep  it  private. 
And  as  to  Haunting,  Indians  have  no  Ghosts, 
But  as  they  live  like  Beasts,  like  Beasts  they  die. 
I've  killed  a  Dozen  in  this  self-same  Way, 
And  never  yet  was  troubled  with  their  Spirits. 

Orsbourn.    Then  I'm  content;  my  Scruples  are  remov'd. 
And  what  I've  done,  my  Conscience  justifies. 
But  we  must  have  these  Guns  and  Hatchets  alter'd, 
Or  they'll  detect  th'  Affair,  and  hang  us  both. 

Honnyman.    That's  quickly  done —  Let  us  with  Speed  return, 
And  think  no  more  of  being  hang'd  or  haunted; 
But  turn  our  Fur  to  Gold,  our  Gold  to  Wine, 
Thus  gaily  spend  what  we've  so  slily  won, 
And  bless  the  first  Inventor  of  a  Gun.  (Exeunt. 


SCENE  III. —  An  English  Port.  • 
Enter  Colonel  Cockum  and  Captain  Frisk. 

Cockum. 

What  shall  we  do  with  these  damn'd  bawling  Indians?* 
They're  swarming  every  Day  wirh  their  Complaints 
Of  Wrongs  and  Injuries,  and  God  knows  what  — 
I  wish  the  Devil  would  take  them  to  himself. 

Frisk.    Your  Honour's  right  to  wish  the  Devil  his  Due. 
I'd  send  the  noisy  Helhounds  packing  hence, 
Nor  spend  a  Moment  in  debating  with  them. 

1  "Twenty  Indians  have  been  murdered  near  here  in  a  treacherous  manner 
within  the  last  six  months.     A  young  fellow  executed  lately  for  two  unparalleled 
murders  declared  on  the  gallows  that  he  thought  it  a  meritorious  act  to  kill  heathen 
wherever  they  were  found  ;  and  this  seems  to  be  the  opinion  of  all  the  common 
people."    Johnson  in  Documentary  History  of  New  Tork,  VII,  852. 

2  "The  officers  and  soldiers  of  the  garrisons  did  their  full  part  in  exciting  the 
resentment  of  the  Indians.     Formerly  when  the  warriors  came  to  the  forts,  they 
had  been  welcomed  by  the  French  with  attention  and  respect.    The  inconven 
ience  which  their  presence  occasioned  had  been  disregarded,  and  their  peculiarities 
overlooked.     But  now  they  were  received  with  cold  looks  and  harsh  words  from 
the  officers,  and  with  oaths,  menaces,  and  sometimes  blows  from  the  reckless  and 
brutal  soldiers.      These  marks  of  contempt  were  unspeakably  galling  to   their 
haughty  spirit."      Parkman,    Conspiracy  of  Pontiac,  Chapter  VII.      See   Johnson 
Mss.t  5,  188. 

1 86 


PONTEACH :    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

The  more  you  give  Attention  to  their  Murmurs, 
The  more  they'll  plague  and  haunt  you  every  Day, 
Besides,  their  old  King  Ponteach  grows  damn'd  saucy, 
Talks  of  his  Power,  and  threatens  what  he'll  do. 
Perdition  to  their  faithless  sooty  Souls, 
I'd  let  'em  know  at  once  to  keep  their  Distance. 

Cockum.    Captain,  You're  right;  their  Insolence  is  such 
As  beats  my  Patience;  cursed  Miscreants! 
They  are  encroaching;  fain  would  be  familiar: 
I'll  send  their  painted  Heads  to  Hell  with  Thunder! 
I  swear  I'll  blow  'em  hence  with  Cannon  Ball, 
And 'give  the  Devil  an  Hundred  for  his  supper. 

Frisk.   They're  coming  here ;  You  see  they  scent  your  Track, 
And  while  you'll  listen,  they  will  ne'er  be  silent, 
But  every  Day  improve  in  Insolence. 

Cockum.  I'll  soon  dispatch  and  storm  them  from  my  Presence. 

Enter  Ponteach,1  and  other  Indian  Chiefs. 

Ponteach.  Well,  Mr.  Colonel  Cockum,  what  d'  they  call  you  ? 
You  give  no  Answer  yet  to  my  Complaint; 
Your  Men  give  my  Men  always  too  much  Rum, 
Then  trade  and  cheat  'em.    What!  d'ye  think  this  right? 

Cockum.  Tush  !  Silence  !  hold  your  noisy  cursed  Nonsense ; 
I've  heard  enough  of  it;  what  is  it  to  me? 

1  Pontiac  was  born  about  1720,  probably  on  the  Maumee  River.  Though 
his  paternity  is  not  positively  established,  it  is  most  likely  that  his  father  wai  an 
Ottawa  chief  and  his  mother  a  Chippewa.  As  early  as  1746  he  commanded  the 
Indians  —  mostly  Ottawa  —  who  defended  Detroit  against  the  attack  of  the  north 
ern  tribes.  It  is  supposed  he  led  the  Ottawa  and  Chippewa  warriors  at  Brad- 
dock's  defeat.  He  first  appeared  prominently  in  history  at  his  meeting  with 
Major  Rogers  in  1760  (see  p.  84),  less  than  three  years  before  the  formation  of 
his  famous  conspiracy.  His  achievements  and  talents  had  gained  him  by  thia  time 
an  influence  over  the  Chippewa,  Potowatomi,  Huron,  Shawnee,  Miami,  and 
other  Algonquin  people,  with  the  Seneca  of  the  Six  Nations,  scarcely  less  power 
ful  than  over  the  Ottawa ;  and  to  the  limits  of  the  Illinois  country,  and  through 
the  domain  of  the  Creek  and  the  Cherokee,  his  name  was  known  and  feared. 
Physically,  he  was  not  above  middle  height,  but  his  figure  was  remarkably  sym 
metrical,  well-knit,  and  muscular ;  his  complexion  was  swarthy,  his  features  bold 
and  stern,  and  his  bearing  imperious  and  peremptory.  He  was  eloquent,  shrewd, 
energetic,  and  had  a  strong  and  capacious  intellect,  partially,  but  not  wholly,  free 
from  the  passions,  prejudices,  and  limitations  of  his  race.  Ponttac  Mss.  Rogers, 
A  Concise  Account  of  North  America.  Parkman,  Conspiracy  of  Pontiac.  (Edition 
of  C.  M.  Burton,  Detroit,  1912.) 

.87 


PONTEACH :    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

Ponteach.  What !  you  a  Colonel,  and  not  command  your  Men  ? 
Let  ev'ry  one  be  a  Rogue  that  has  a  Mind  to't. 

Cockum.  Why,  curse  your  Men,  I  suppose  they  wanted  Rum ; 
They'll  rarely  be  content,  I  know,  without  it. 

Pont  each.    What  then?    If Indians  are  such  Fools,  I  think 
White  Men  like  you  should  stop  and  teach  them  better. 

Cockum.    I'm  not  a  Pedagogue  to  your  curs'd  Indians,     (aside. 

Ponteach.    Colonel,  I  hope  that  you'll  consider  this. 

Frisk.    Why  don't  you  see  the  Colonel  will  not  hear  you? 
You'd  better  go  and  watch  your  Men  yourself, 
Nor  plague  us  with  your  cursed  endless  Noise; 
We've  something  else  to  do  of  more  Importance. 

Ponteacb.    Hah  !  Captain  Frisky  what!  you  a  great  Man  too? 
My  Bus'ness  here  is  only  with  your  Colonel; 
And  I'll  be  heard,  or  know  the  Reason  why. 

1st  Chief.    I  thought  the  English  had  been  better  Men. 

2nd  Chief.    Frenchmen  would  always  hear  an  Indian  speak, 
And  answer  fair,  and  make  good  Promises. 

Cockum.  You  may  be  d  —  d,  and  all  your  Frenchmen  too. 

Ponteach.    Be  d  —  d!  what's  that?  I  do  not  understand. 

Cockum.    The  Devil  teach  you ;  he'll  do  it  without  a  Fee. 

Ponteach.    The  Devil  teach !  I  Think  you  one  great  Fool. 
Did  your  King  tell  you  thus  to  treat  the  Indians? 
Had  he  been  such  a  Dunce  he  ne'er  had  conquer'd, 
And  made  the  running  French  for  Quarter  cry. 
I  always  mind  that  such  proud  Fools  are  Cowards, 
And  never  do  aught  that  is  great  or  good. 

Cockum.    Forbear  your  Impudence,  you  curs'd  old  Thief; 
This  Moment  leave  my  Fort,  and  to  your  Country. 
Let  me  hear  no  more  of  your  hellish  Clamour, 

Or  to  D n  I  will  blow  you  all, 

And  feast  the  Devil  with  one  hearty  Meal. 

Ponteach.    So  ho!   Know  you  whose  Country  you  are  in?1 
Think  you,  because  you  have  subdu'd  the  French^ 

1  "  Pontiac  assured  me  that  he  was  inclined  to  live  peacably  with  the  English 
while  they  used  him  as  he  deserved  but  intimated  that  if  they  treated  him  with 
neglect  he  would  shut  up  the  way  and  exclude  them  from  his  country  j  in  short, 
his  whole  conversation  indicated  that  he  was  far  from  considering  himself  a  con 
quered  Prince,  and  he  expected  to  be  treated  with  the  respect  and  honor  due  a 
King  by  all  who  came  into  his  country."  Rogers,  A  Conche  Account  of  North 
America,  p.  243. 

188 


PONTEACH :    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

That  Indians  too  are  now  become  your  Slaves? 

This  Country's  mine,  and  here  I  reign  as  King; 

I  value  not  your  Threats,  nor  Forts,  nor  Guns; 

I  have  got  Warriors,  Courage,  Strength,  and  Skill. 

Colonel,  take  care;  the  Wound  is  very  deep, 

Consider  well,  for  it  is  hard  to  cure.  (Exeunt  Indians. 

Frisk.    Vile  Infidels!  observe  their  Insolence; 
Old  Ponteach  puts  on  a  mighty  Air. 

Cockum.    They'll  always  be  a  Torment  till  destroy 'd, 
And  sent  all  headlong  to  the  Devil's  Kitchen. 
This  curs'd  old  Thief,  no  doubt,  will  give  us  Trouble, 
Provok'd  and  madded  at  his  cool  Reception. 

Frisk.    Oh !  Colonel,  they  are  never  worth  our  minding, 
What  can  they  do  against  our  Bombs  and  Cannon? 
True,  they  may  skulk,  and  kill  and  scalp  a  few, 
But,  Heav'n  be  thank'd,  we're  safe  within  these  Walls: 
Besides,  I  think  the  Governors  are  coming, 
To  make  them  Presents,  and  stablish  Peace. 

Cockum.    That  may  perhaps  appease  their  bloody  Minds, 
And  keep  them  quiet  for  some  little  Term. 
God  send  the  Day  that  puts  them  all  to  sleep, 
Come,  will  you  crack  a  Bottle  at  my  Tent? 

Frisk.    With  all  my  Heart,  and  drink  D n  to  them. 

Cockum.    I  can  in  nothing  more  sincerely  join. 

(Exeunt. 


SCENE  IV. —  An  Apartment  in  the  Port. 
Enter  Governors  Sharp,  Gripe,  and  Catchum. 

Sharp. 

Here  are  we  met  to  represent  our  King, 
And  by  his  royal  Bounties  to  conciliate 
These  Indians  minds  to  Friendship,  Peace  and  Love, 
But  he  that  would  an  honest  Living  get 
In  Times  so  hard  and  difficult  as  these, 
Must  mind  that  good  old  Rule,  Take  care  of  One. 

Gripe.    Ay,  Christian  Charity  begins  at  home; 
I  think  it's  in  the  Bible,  I  know  I've  read  it. 

Catchum.    I  join  with  Paul,  that  he's  an  Infidel 
Who  does  not  for  himself  and  Friends  provide. 

189 


PONTEACH :   OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

Sharp.    Yes,  Paul  in  fact  was  no  bad  Politician, 
And  understood  himself  as  well  as  most. 
All  good  and  wise  Men  certainly  take  care 
To  Kelp  themselves  and  Families  the  first; 
Thus  dictates  Nature,  Instinct,  and  Religion, 
Whose  easy  Precepts  ought  to  be  bbey'd. 

Gripe.    But  how  does  this  affect  our  present  Purpose? 
We've  heard  the  Doctrine;  what's  the  Application? 

Sharp.    We  are  intrusted  with  these  Indian  presents. 
A  Thousand  Pound  was  granted  by  the  King, 
To  satisfy  them  of  his  Royal  Goodness, 
His  constant  Disposition  to  their  Welfare, 
And  reconcile  their  savage  Minds  to  Peace. 
Five  hundred's  gone;  you  know  our  late  Division, 
Our  great  Kxpence,  Et  cetera,  no  Matter: 
The  other  Half  was  laid  out  for  these  Goods, 
To  be  distributed  as  we  think  proper; 
And  whether  Half  (I  only  put  the  Question) 
Of  these  said  Goods,  won't  answer  every  End, 
And  bring  about  as  long  a  lasting  Peace 
As  tho   the  Whole  were  lavishly  bestow'd?1 

Catchum.    I'm  clear  upon  't  they  will,  if  we  affirm 
That  Half's  the  Whole  was  sent  them  by  the  King. 

Gripe.    There  is  no  doubt  but  that  One  Third  wou'd  answer, 
For  they,  poor  Souls !  are  ignorant  of  the  Worth 
Of  single  things,  nor  know  they  how  to  add 
Or  calculate,  and  cast  the  whole  Amount. 

Sharp.    Ay,  Want  of  Learning  is  a  great  Misfortune. 
How  thankful  should  we  be  that  we  have  Schools, 
And  better  taught  and  bred  than  these  poor  Heathen. 

Catchum.    Yes,  only  these  Two  simple  easy  Rules, 
Addition  and  Subtraction,  are  great  Helps, 
And  much  contribute  to  our  Happiness. 

Sharp.    'Tis  these  I  mean  to  put  in  Practice  now; 
Subtraction  from  these  Royal  Presents  makes 
Addition  to  our  Gains  without  a  Fraction. 

1  "  In  the  zeal  for  retrenchment  which  prevailed  soon  after  the  clow  of  hos 
tilities,  the  presents  which  it  had  always  been  customary  to  give  the  Indiana,  at 
stated  intervals,  were  either  withheld  altogether  or  doled  out  with  a  niggardly  and 
reluctant  hand ;  while,  to  make  matters  worse,  the  agents  and  officers  of  govern 
ment  often  appropriated  the  presents  to  themselves,  and  afterwards  sold  them  at  an 
exorbitant  price  to  the  Indians."  Parkman,  Conspiracy  of  Pontiac,  Chapter  VII. 

190 


PONTEACH :    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

But  let  us  overhawl  and  take  the  best, 
Things  may  be  given  that  won't  do  to  sell. 

(They  over  bawl  the  Goods ,  &V. 

Catcbum.    Lay  these  aside ;  They'll  fetch  a  noble  Price. 
'     Gripe.    And  these  are  very  saleable,  I  think. 

Sharp.    The  Indians  will  be  very  fond  of  these. 
Is  there  the  Half,  think  you? 

Gripe.    It's  thereabouts. 

Catcbum.    This  bag  of  Wampum  may  be  added  yet. 

Sharp.    Here,  Lads,  convey  these  goods  to  our  Apartment. 

Servant.    The  Indians^  Sir,  are  waiting  at  the  Gate. 

Gripe.    Conduct  them  in  when  you've  disposed  of  these. 

Catchum.    This   should   have   been   new-drawn  before  they 
enter'd.  (pulling  out  an  Inventory  of  the  whole  Goods. 

Gripe.    What  matters  that?  They  cannot  read,  you  know, 
And  you  can  read  to  them  in  gen'ral  Terms. 

Enter  Ponteacb,  with  several  of  bis  Chieftains. 

Sharp.    Welcome,  my  Brothers,  we  are  glad  to  meet  you, 
And  hope  that  you  will  not  repent  our  coming. 

Ponteacb.    We're  glad  to  see  our  Brothers  here  the  English. 
If  honourable  Peace  be  your  Desire, 
We'd  always  have  the  Hatchet  buried  deep, 
While  Sun  and  Moon,  Rivers  and  Lakes  endure, 
And  Trees  and  Herbs  within  our  Country  grow. 
But  then  you  must  not  cheat  and  wrong  the  Indians^ 
Or  treat  us  with  Reproach,  Contempt,  and  Scorn ; 
Else  we  will  raise  the  Hatchet  to  the  Sky, 
And  let  it  never  touch  the  Earth  again, 
Sharpen  its  Edge,  and  keep  it  bright  as  Silver, 
Or  stain  it  red  with  Murder  and  with  Blood. 
Mind  what  I  say,  I  do  not  tell  you  Lies. 

Sharp.    We  hope  you  have  no  Reason  to  complain 
That  Englishmen  conduct  to  you  amiss; 
We're  griev'd  if  they  have  given  you  Offence, 
And  fain  would  heal  the  Wound  while  it  is  fresh, 
Lest  it  should  spread,  grow  painful,  and  severe. 

Pont  each.    Your   Men  make  Indians  drunk,  and  then  they 

cheat  'em. 

Your  Officers,  your  Colonels,  and  your  Captains 
Are  proud,  morose,  ill-natur'd,  churlish  Men, 

191 


PONTEACH:    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

Treat  us  with  Disrespect,  Contempt,  and  Scorn. 

I  tell  you  plainly  this  will  never  do, 

We  never  thus  were  treated  by  the  French, 

Them  we  thought  bad  enough,  but  think  you  worse. 

Sharp.    There's  good  and  bad,  you  know,  in  every  Nation ; 
There's  some  good  Indians,  some  are  the  reverse, 
Whom  you  can't  govern,  and  restrain  from  ill; 
So  there's  some  Englishmen  that  will  be  bad. 
You  must  not  mind  the  Conduct  of  a  few, 
Nor  judge  the  rest  by  what  you  see  of  them. 

Pont  each.  If  you've  some  good,  why  don't  you  send  them  here? 
These  every  one  are  Rogues,  and  Knaves,  and  Fools, 
And  think  no  more  of  Indians  than  of  Dogs. 
Your  King  had  better  send  his  good  Men  hither, 
And  keep  his  bad  ones  in  some  other  Country; 
Then  you  would  find  that  Indians  would  do  well, 
Be  peaceable,  and  honest  in  their  Trade ; 
We'd  love  you,  treat  you,  as  our  Friends  and  Brothers, 
And  Raise  the  Hatchet  only  in  your  Cause. 

Sharp.    Our  King  is  very  anxious  for  your  Welfare, 
And  greatly  wishes  for  your  Love  and  Friendship; 
He  would  not  have  the  Hatchet  ever  raised, 
But  buried  deep,  stamp'd  down  and  cover'd  o'er, 
As  with  a  mountain  that  can  never  move: 
For  this  he  sent  us  to  your  distant  Country, 
Bid  us  deliver  you  these  friendly  Belts, 

(holding  out  Belts  of  Wampum. 
All  cover'd  over  with  his  Love  and  Kindness. 
He  like  a  Father  loves  you  as  his  Children; 
And  like  a  Brother  wishes  you  all  Good; 
We'll  let  him  know  the  Wounds  that  you  complain  of, 
And  he'll  be  speedy  to  apply  the  Cure, 
And  clear  the  Path  to  Friendship,  Peace  and  Trade. 

Ponteach.    Your  King,  I  hear's  a  good  and  upright  Man, 
True  to  his  word,  and  friendly  in  his  Heart; 
Not  proud  and  insolent,  morose  and  sour, 
Like  these  his  petty  Officers  and  Servants: 
I  want  to  see  your  King,1  and  let  him  know 

1  "Pontiac  was  curious  and  expressed  a  great  desire  to  see  England,  and 
offered  me  a  part  of  his  country  if  I  would  conduct  him  there."  Rogers,  A 
Concise  Account  of  North  America,  p.  242. 

192 


PONTEACH :    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

What  must  be  done  to  keep  the  Hatchet  dull, 
And  how  the  Path  of  Friendship,  Peace  and  Trade 
May  be  kept  clean  and  solid  as  a  Rock. 

Sharp.    Our  King  is  distant  over  the  great  Lake, 
But  we  can  quickly  send  him  your  Requests ; 
To  which  he'll  listen  with  attentive  Ear, 
And  act  as  tho*  you  told  him  with  your  Tongue. 

Ponteacb.    Let  him  know  then  his  People  here  are  Rogues, 
And  cheat  and  wrong  and  use  the  Indians  ill. 
Tell  him  to  send  good  Officers,  and  call 
These  proud  ill  natur'd  Fellows  from  my  Country, 
And  keep  his  Hunters  from  my  Hunting  Ground. 
He  must  do  this,  and  do  it  quickly  too, 
Or  he  will  find  the  Path  between  us  bloody. 

Sharp.    Of  this  we  will  acquaint  our  gracious  King, 
And  hope  you  and  your  Chiefs  will  now  confirm 
A  solid  Peace  as  if  our  King  was  present; 
We're  his  Ambassadors,  and  represent  him, 
And  bring  these  Tokens  of  his  Royal  Friendship 
To  you,  your  Captains,  Chiefs,  and  valiant  Men. 
Read  Mr.  Catchum^  you've  the  Inventory. 

Catcbum.    The  British  King,  of  his  great  Bounty,  sends 
To  Ponteacb)  King  upon  the  Lakes,  and  his  Chiefs, 
Two  hundred,  No  (aside)  a  Number  of  fine  Blankets, 
Six  hundred  (aside)  Yes,  and  several  Dozen  Hatchets, 
Twenty  thousand  (aside)  and  a  Bag  of  Wampum, 
A  Parcel  too  of  Pans,  and  Knives,  and  Kettles. 

Sharp.    This  rich  and  royal  Bounty  you'll  accept, 
And  as  you  please  distribute  to  your  Chiefs, 
And  let  them  know  they  come  from  England's  King, 
As  Tokens  to  them  of  his  Love  and  Favour. 
We've  taken  this  long  Journey  at  great  Charge, 
To  see  and  hold  with  you  this  friendly  Talk; 
We  hope  your  Minds  are  all  disposed  to  Peace, 
And  that  you  like  our  Sovereign  Bounty  well. 

ist  Chief.    We  think  it  very  small,  we  heard  of  more.1 
Most  of  our  Chiefs  and  Warriors  are  not  here, 
They  all  expect  to  share  a  part  with  us. 

1  "The  government  of  Virginia  his  treated  the  Six  Nations,  Cherokccs,  and 
others  with  an  ill-timed  frugality  which  greatly  disgusted  them."  Johnson's  letter, 
(August,  1757,)  Documentary  History  of  New  York,  VII,  852. 

193 


PONTEACH:    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

2nd  Chief.    These  won't  reach  round  to  more  than  half  our 

Tribes, 

Few  of  our  Chiefs  will  have  a  single  Token 
Of  your  King's  Bounty,  that  you  speak  so  much  of. 

jrd  Chief.    And  those  who  have'nt  will  be  dissatisfied,   . 
Think  themselves  slighted,  think  your  King  is  stingy, 
Or  else  that  you  his  Governors  are  Rogues, 
And  keep  your  Master's  Bounty  for  yourselves. 

4th  Chief.    We  hear  such  Tricks  are  sometimes  play'd  with 

Indians^ 

King  AstenacO)  the  great  Southern  Chief,1 
Who's  been  in  England^  and  has  seen  your  King, 
Told  me  that  he  was  generous,  kind,  and  true, 
But  that  his  Officers  were  Rogues  and  Knaves, 
And  cheated  Indians  out  of  what  he  gave. 

Gripe.    The  Devil's  in't,   I  fear  that  we're  detected  (aside. 

Ponteach.    Indians  a'n't  Fools,  if  White  Men  think  us  so; 
We  see,  we  hear,  we  think  as  well  as  you; 
We  know  they're  Lies,  and  Mischiefs  in  the  World; 
We  don't  know  whom  to  trust,  nor  when  to  fear; 
Men  are  uncertain,  changing  as  the  Wind, 
Inconstant  as  the  Waters  of  the  Lakes, 
Some  smooth  and  fair,  and  pleasant  as  the  Sun, 
Some  rough  and  boist'rous,  like  the  Winter  Storm; 
Some  are  Insidious  as  the  subtle  Snake, 
Some  innocent,  and  harmless  as  the  Dove; 
Some  like  the  Tyger  raging,  cruel,  fierce, 
Some  like  the  Lamb,  humble,  submissive,  mild, 
And  scarcely  one  is  every  Day  the  same; 
But  I  call  no  Man  bad,  till  such  he's  found, 
Then  I  condemn  and  cast  him  from  my  Sight; 
And  no  more  trust  him  as  a  Friend  and  Brother. 
I  hope  to  find  you  honest  Men  and  true. 

1  Astinaco  was  one  of  the  three  Cherokee  chiefs  who  visited  England,  June- 
August,  1762.  They  were  brought  on  the  frigate  Epreuve,  given  English  clothes 
and  a  house  in  Suffolk  street,  and  entertained  by  such  men  as  the  Earl  of  March, 
Lord  Bruce,  and  Mr.  Montagu,  by  whom  they  were  also  taken  to  military  re 
views  and  the  navy-yard  at  Portsmouth.  Magnificent  specimens  of  their  race, 
they  were  a  two-months'  wonder  in  London,  and  a  popular  print  was  sold  of 
Astinaco.  Nothing  is  known  of  his  connection  with  Pontiac.  Sec  Gentleman's 
Magazine,  1762,  passim. 

194 


PONTEACH :    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

Sharp.    Indeed  you  may  depend  upon  our  Honours, 
We're  faithful  Servants  of  the  best  of  Kings ; 
We  scorn  an  Imposition  on  your  Ignorance, 
Abhor  the  Arts  of  Falshood  and  Deceit. 
These  are  the  Presents  our  great  Monarch  sent, 
He's  of  a  bounteous,  noble,  princely  Mind 
And  had  he  known  the  Numbers  of  your  Chiefs, 
Each  would  have  largely  shar'd  his  Royal  Goodness; 
But  these  are  rich  and  worthy  your  Acceptance, 
Few  Kings  on  Earth  can  such  as  these  bestow, 
For  Goodness,  Beauty,  Excellence,  and  Worth. 

Ponteach.    The  Presents  from  your  Sovereign  I  accept, 
His  friendly  Belts  to  us  shall  be  preserved, 
And  in  Return  convey  you  those  to  him. 

(Belts  and  Furs. 

Which  let  him  know  our  Mind,  and  what  we  wish, 
That  we  dislike  his  crusty  Officers, 
And  wish  the  Path  of  Peace  was  made  more  plain, 
The  Calumet  I  do  not  chuse  to  smoak, 
Till  I  see  further,  and  my  other  Chiefs 
Have  been  consulted.    Tell  your  King  from  me, 
That  first  or  last  a  Rogue  will  be  detected, 
That  I  have  Warriors,  am  myself  a  King, 
And  will  be  honour'd  and  obey'd  as  such; 
Tell  him  my  Subjects  shall  not  be  oppress'd, 
But  I  will  seek  Redress  and  take  Revenge; 
Tell  your  King  this ;  I  have  no  more  to  say. 

Sharp.    To  our  great  King  your  Gifts  we  will  convey, 
And  let  him  know  the  Talk  we've  had  with  you; 
We're  griev'd  we  cannot  smoak  the  Pipe  of  Peace, 
And  part  with  stronger  Proofs  of  Love  and  Friendship ; 
Mean  time  we  hope  you'll  so  consider  Matters, 
As  still  to  keep  the  Hr.tchet  dull  and  buried, 
And  open  wide  the  shining  Path  of  Peace, 
That  you  and  we  may  walk  without  a  Blunder. 

(Exeunt  Indians. 

Gripe.    Th'  appear  not  fully  satisfied,  I  think. 

Catchum.    I  do  not  like  old  Ponteach's  Talk  and  Air, 
He  se^ms  suspicious,  and  inclin'd  to  War. 

Sharp.    They're  always  jealous,  bloody,  and  revengeful, 
You  see  that  they  distrust  our  Word  and  Honour; 

'95 


PONTEACH :    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

No  wonder  then  if  they  suspect  the  Traders, 
And  often  charge  them  with  downright  Injustice. 

Gripe.  True,  when  even  we  that  come  to  make  them  Presents, 
Cannot  escape  their  Fears  and  Jealousies. 

Catcbum.    Well,  we  have  this,  at  least,  to  comfort  us; 
Their  good  Opinion  is  no  Commendation, 
Nor  their  foul  Slanders  any  Stain  to  Honour. 
I  think  we've  done  whatever  Men  could  do 
To  reconcile  their  savage  Minds  to  Peace. 
If  they're  displeas'd,  our  Honour  is  acquitted, 
And  we  have  not  been  wanting  in  our  Duty 
To  them,  our  King,  our  Country,  and  our  Friends. 

Gripe.    But  what  Returns  are  these  they've  left  behind? 
These  Belts  are  valuable,  and  neatly  wrought. 

Catcbum.    This  Pack  of  Furs  is  very  weighty  too; 
The  Skins  are  pick'd,  and  of  the  choicest  Kind. 

Sharp.     By  Jove,  They're  worth  more   Money  than  their 
Presents. 

Gripe.    Indeed  they  are;  the  King  will  be  no  Loser. 

Sharp.    The  King!  who  ever  sent  such  Trumpery  to  him? 

Catcbum.  What  would  the  King  of  England  do  with  Wampum? 
Or  Beaver  Skins,  d'ye  think?   He's  not  a  Hatter! 

Gripe.    Then  it's  a  Perquisite~Tjeiungs  to  us? 

Sharp.    Yes,  they're  become  our  lawful  Goods  and  Chattels, 
By  all  the  Rules  and  Laws  of  Indian  Treaties. 
The  King  would  scorn  to  take  a  Gift  from  Indians, 
And  think  us  Madmen,  should  we  send  them  to  him. 

Catcbum.    I  understand  we  make  a  fair  Division, 
And  have  no  Words  nor  Fraud  among  ourselves. 

Sharp.    We  throw  the  whole  into  one  common  Stock, 
And  go  Copartners  in  the  Loss  and  Gain. 
Thus  most  who  handle  Money  for  the  Crown 
Find  means  to  make  the  better  Half  their  own; 
And,  to  your  better  Judgments  with  Submission, 
The  self  Negiecter's  a  poor  Politician. 
These  Gifts,  you  see,  will  all  Expences  pay; 
Heav'n  send  an  Indian  Treaty  every  Day; 
We  dearly  love  to  serve  our  King  this  Way. 

Tbe  End  of  the  First  ACT. 
196 


ACT  II. 

SCENE  I. —  An  Indian  House. 

Enter  Philip  and  Chekitan  from  bunting^  loaded  with  Venison. 

Philip. 

The  Day's  Toil's  ended,  and  the  Ev'ning  smiles 
With  all  the  Joy  and  Pleasantness"  of  Plenty. 
Our  good  Success  arid  Fortune  in  the  Chace 
Will  make  us  Mirth  and  Pastime  for  the  Night. 
How  will  the  old  Ki'ig  and  his  Hunters  smile 
To  see  us  loaded  with  the  fatt'ning  Prey, 
And  joyously  relate  their  own  Adventures? 
Not  the  brave  Victor's  Shout,  or  Spoils  of  War, 
Would  give  such  Pleasure  to  their  gladden'd  Hearts. 

Chekitan.    These,  Philip,  are  the  unstain'd  Fruits  of  Peace, 
Effected  by  the  conqu'ring  British  Troops. 
"Now  may~we  hunt  the  Wilds_§ecure  from  Foes, 
And  seek  our  Food  and  Cloathing  by  the  Chace, 
While  Ease  and  Plenty  thro'  our  Country  reign. 

Philip.    Happy  Effects  indeed!  long  may  they  last! 
But  1  suspect  the  Term  will  be  but  short, 
Ere  this  our  happy  Realm  is  curs'd  afresh 
With  all  the  Noise  and  Miseries  of  War, 
And  Blood  and  Murder  stain  our  Land  again. 

Chekitan.    What  hast  thou  heard  that  seems  to  threaten  this, 
Or  is  it  idle  Fancy  and  Conjectures? 

Philip.    Our  Father's  late  Behaviour  and  Discourse 
Unite  to  raise  Suspicions  in  my  Mind 
Of  his  Designs?  Hast  thou  not  yet  observ'd, 
That  tho'  at  first  he  favour'd  England's  Troops, 
When  they  late  landed  on  our  fertile  Shore, 
Proclaim'd  his  Approbation  of  their  March, 
Convoy'd  their  Stores,  protected  them  from  Harm, 
Nay,  put  them  in  Possession  of  Detroit  ;* 

1  For  Pontiac's  assistance  to  Rogers  in  taking  possession  of  Detroit,  sec  p.  85. 

197 


PONTEACH :    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

And  join'd  to  fill  the  Air  with  loud  Huzza's 
When  England's  Flag  was  planted  on  its  Walls  ? 
Yet,  since,  he  seems  displeas'd  at  their  Success, 
Thinks  himself  injured,  treated  with  Neglect 
By  their  Commanders,  as  of  no  Account, 
As  one  subdu'd  and  conquer'd  with  the  French, 
As  one,  whose  Right  to  Empire  now  is  lost, 
And  he  become  a  Vassal  of  their  Power, 
Instead  of  an  Ally.    At  this  he's  mov'd, 
And  in  his  Royal  Bosom  glows  Revenge, 
Which  I  suspect  will  sudden  burst  and  spread 
Like  Lightning  from  the  Summer's  burning  Cloud, 
That  instant  sets  whole  Forests  in  a  Blaze.1 

Cbekitan.    Something  like  this  I  have  indeed  perceiv'd; 
And  this  explains  what  I  but  now  beheld, 
Returning  from  the  Chace,  myself  concealed, 
Our  Royal  Father  basking  in  the  Shade, 
His  Looks  severe,  Revenge  was  in  his  Eyes, 
All  his  great  Soul  seem'd  mounted  in  his  Face, 
And  bent  on  something  hazardous  and  great. 
With  pensive  Air  he  view'd  the  Forest  round; 
Smote  on  his  Breast  as  if  oppress'd  with  Wrongs, 
With  Indignation  starred  upon  the  Ground; 
Extended  then  and  shook  his  mighty  Arm, 
As  in  Defiance  of  a  coming  Foe; 
Then  like  the  hunted  Elk  lie  forward  sprung, 
As  tho'  to  trample  his  Assailants  down. 
The  broken  accents  murmur'd  from  his  Tongue, 
As  rumbling  Thunder  from  a  distant  Cloud, 
Distinct  I  heard,  "Tis  fix'd,  I'll  be  reveng'd; 
"1  will  make  War:   I'll  drown  this  Land  in  Blood." 
He  disappear'd  like  the  fresh-started  Roe 
Pursu'd  by  Hounds  o'er  rocky  Hills  and  Dales, 
That  instant  leaves  the  anxious  Hunter's  Eye; 
Such  was  his  Speed  towards  the  other  Chiefs. 

Philip.    He's  gone  to  sound  their  Minds  to  Peace  and  War, 
And  learn  who'll  join  the  Hazards  in  his  Cause. 
The  Fox,  the  Bear,  the  Eagle,  Otter,  Wolf, 

1  ««  He  puts  on  an  air  of  majesty  and  princely  grandeur,  and  is  greatly  hon 
ored  and  revered  by  all  his  subjects."  Rogers,  A  Concise  Account  of  Ntrtb 
America t  p.  240. 

198 


PONTEACH :    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

And  other  valiant  Princes  of  the  Empire, 
Have  late  resorted  hither  for  some  End 
Of  common  Import.   Time  will  soon  reveal 
Their  secret  Counsels  and  their  fix'd  Decrees. 
Peace  has  its  charms  for  those  who  love  their  Ease, 
But  active  Souls  like  mine  delight  in  Blood. 

Cbekitan.    Should  War  be  wag'd,  what  Discords  may  we  fear 
Among  ourselves?    The  powerful  Mohawk  King 
Will  ne'er  consent  to  fight  against  the  English, 
Nay  more,  will  join  them  as  a  firm  Ally, 
And  influence  other  Chiefs  by  his  Example, 
To  muster  all  their  Strength  against  our  Father. 
Fathers  perhaps  will  fight  against  their  Sons, 
And  nearest  Friends  pursue  each  other's  Lives ; 
Blood,  Murder,  Death,  and  Horror  will  be  rife, 
Where  Peace  and  Love,  and  Friendship  triumph  now. 

Philip.    Such  stale  Conjectures  smell  of  Cowardice. 
Our  Father's  Temper  shews  us  the  Reverse: 
All  Danger  he  defies,  and,  once  resolv'd, 
No  Arguments  will  move  him  to  relent, 
No  Motives  change  his  Purpose  of  Revenge, 
No  Prayers  prevail  upon  him  to  delay 
The  Execution  of  his  fix'd  Design: 
Like  the  starv'd  Tyger  in  Pursuit  of  Prey, 
No  Opposition  will  retard  his  Course; 
Like  the  wing'd  Eagle  that  looks  down  on  Clouds, 
All  Hindrances  are  little  in  his  Eye, 
And  his  great  Mind  knows  not  the  Pain  of  Fear. 

Cbekitan.    Such  Hurricanes  of  Courage  often  lead 
To  Shame  and  Disappointment  in  the  End, 
And  tumble  blindfold  on  their  own  Disgrace. 
True  Valour's  slow,  deliberate,  and  cool, 
Considers  well  the  End,  the  Way,  the  Means, 
And  weighs  each  Circumstance  attending  them. 
Imaginary  Dangers  it  detects, 
And  guards  itself  against  all  real  Evils. 
But  here  Tenesco  comes  with  Speed  important; 
His  Looks  and  Face  presage  us  something  new. 

Tenesco.    Hail,  noble  Youth !    The  News  of  your  Return 
And  great  Success  has  reach'd  your  Father's  Ears. 
Great  is  his  Joy ;  but  something  more  important 

199 


PONTEACH:    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

Seems  to  rest  heavy  on  his  anxious  Mind, 
And  he  commands  your  Presence  at  his  Cabbin. 

Philip.    We  will  attend  his  Call  with  utmost  Speed, 
Nor  wait  Refreshment  after  our  Day's  Toil.  (Exeunt. 


SCENE  II. —  Ponteach's  Cabbin. 
Ponteach,  Philip,  Chekitan,  and  Tenesco. 

Ponteacb. 

My  Sons,  and  trusty  Counsellor  Tenesco , 
As  the  sweet  smelling  Rose,  when  yet  a  Bud, 
Lies  close  conceal'd,  till  Time  and  the  Sun's  Warmth 
Hath  swell'd,  matur'd,  and  brought  it  forth  to  View, 
So  these  my  Purposes  I  now  reveal 
Are  to  be  kept  with  You,  on  pain  of  Death, 
Till  Time  hath  ripen'd  my  aspiring  Plan, 
And  Fortune's  Sunshine  shall  disclose  the  Whole; 
Or  should  we  fail,  and  Fortune  prove  perverse, 
Let  it  be  never  known  how  far  we  fail'd, 
Lest  Fools  shou'd  triumph,  or  our  Foes  rejoice. 

Yenesco.    The  Life  of  great  Designs  is  Secrecy, 
And  in  Affairs  of  State  'tis  Honour's  Guard; 
For  Wisdom  cannot  form  a  Scheme  so  well, 
But  Fools  will  laugh  if  it  should  prove  abortive; 
And  our  Designs  once  known,  our  Honour's  made 
Dependent  on  the  Fickleness  of  Fortune. 

Philip.    What  may  your  great  and  secret  Purpose  be, 
That  thus  requires  Concealment  in  its  Birth? 

Ponteacb.    To  raise  the  Hatchet  from  its  short  Repose, 
Brighten  its  Edge,  and  stain  it  deep  with  Blood; 
To  scourge  my  proud,  insulting,  haughty  Foes, 
To  enlarge  my  Empire,  which  will  soon  be  yours: 
Your  Interest,  Glory,  Grandeur,  I  consult, 
And  therefore  hope  with  Vigour  you'll  pursue 
And  execute  whatever  I  command. 

Cbekitan.    When  we  refuse  Obedience  to  your  Will, 
We  are  not  worthy  to  be  call'd  your  Sons. 

Philip.    If  we  inherit  not  our  Father's  Valour, 
We  never  can  deserve  to  share  his  Empire. 


200 


PQNTEACH :    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

Tenesco.    Spoke  like  yourselves,  the  Sons  of  Ponteach; 
Strength,  Courage,  and  Obedience  form  the  Soldier, 
And  the  firm  Base  of  all  true  Greatness  lay. 

Ponteacb.    Our  Empire  now  is  large,  our  Forces  strong, 
Our  Chiefs  are  wise,  our  Warriors  valiant  Men; 
We  are  all  furnish'd  with  the  best  of  Arms, 
And  all  things  requisite  to  curb  a  Foe; 
And  now's  our  time,  if  ever,  to  secure 
Our  Country,  Kindred,  Empire,  all  that's  dear, 
From  these  Invaders  of  our  Rights,  the  English, 
And  set  their  Bounds  towards  the  rising  Sun. 
Long  have  I  seen  with  a  suspicious  Eye 
The  Strength  and  growing  Numbers  of  the  French; 
Their  Forts  and  Settlements  I've  view'd  as  Snakes 
Of  mortal  Bite,  bound  by  the  Winter  Frost, 
Which  in  some  future  warm  reviving  Day 
Would  stir  and  hiss,  and  spit  their  Poison  forth, 
And  spread  Destruction  through  our  happy  Land. 
Where  are  we  now?    The  French  are  all  subdued, 
But  who  are  in  their  Stead  become  our  Lords? 
A  proud,  imperious,  churlish,  haughty  Band. 
The  French  familiarized  themselves  with  us, 
Studied  our  Tongue,  and  Manners,  wore  our  Dress, 
Married  our  Daughters,  and  our  Sons  their  Maids, 
Dealt  honestly,  and  well  supplied  our  Wants, 
Used  no  One  ill,  and  treated  with  Respect 
Our  Kings,  our  Captains,  and  our  aged  Men; 
Call'd  us  their  Friends,  nay,  what  is  more,  their  Children, 
And  seem'd  like  Fathers  anxious  for  our  Welfare. 
Whom  see  we  now?  their  haughty  Conquerors 
Possess'd  of  every  Fort,  and  Lake,  and  Pass, 
Big  with  their  Victories  so  often  gained; 
On  us  they  look  with  deep  Contempt  and  Scorn, 
Are  false,  deceitful,  knavish,  insolent; 
Nay  think  us  conquered,  and  our  Country  theirs, 
Without  a  Purchase,  or  ev'n  asking  for  it. 
With  Pleasure  I  wou'd  call  their  King  my  Friend, 
Yea,  honour  and  obey  him  as  mv  Father; 
I'd  be  content,  would  he  keep  his  own  Sea, 
And  leave  these  distant  Lakes  and  Streams  to  us; 
Nay  I  would  pay  him  Homage,  if  requested, 


PONTEACH :    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

And  furnish  Warriors  to  support  his  Cause. 
But  thus  to  lose  my  Country  and  my  Empire, 
To  be  a  Vassal  to  his  low  Commanders, 
Treated  with  Disrespect  and  public  Scorn 
By  Knaves,  by  Miscreants,  Creatures  of  his  Power; 
Can  this  become  a  King  like  Ponteach, 
Whose  Empire's  measured  only  by  the  Sun? 
No,  I'll  assert  my  Right,  the  Hatchet  raise, 
And  drive  these  Britons  hence  like  frighted  Deer, 
Destroy  their  Forts,  and  make  them  rue  the  Day 
That  to  our  fertile  Land  they  found  the  Way. 

Tenesco.    No  Contradiction  to  your  great  Design ; 
But  will  not  such  Proceeding  injure  us? 
Where  is  our  Trade  and  Commerce  to  be  carry 'd? 
For  they're  possess'd  of  all  the  Country  round, 
Or  whence  Supplies  of  Implements  for  War? 

Ponteach.    Whence?  Take  them  from  our  conquered  running 

Foes. 

Their  Fortresses  are  Magazines  of  Death, 
Which  we  can  quickly  turn  against  themselves; 
And  when  they're  driven  to  their  destin'd  Bounds, 
Their  Love  or  Gain  will  soon  renew  their  Trade. 
The  heartless  French^  whene'er  they  see  us  conquer, 
Will  join  their  little  Force  to  help  us  on. 
Nay  many  of  their  own  brave  trusty  Soldiers, 
In  Hope  of  Gain,  will  give  us  their  Assistance; 
For  Gain's  their  great  Commander,  and  will  lead  them 
Where  their  brave  Generals  cannot  force  their  March : 
Some  have  engag'd,  when  they  see  hope  of  Plunder, 
In  sly  Disguise  to  kill  their  Countrymen. 

Chekitan.    These  Things  indeed  are  promising  and  fair, 
And  seem  a  Prelude  to  our  full  Success. 
But  will  not  many  Indian  Chiefs  refuse 
To  join  the  Lists,  and  hold  themselves  oblig'd 
T'  assist  the  Foe  when  hardly  press'd  by  us  ? 

Ponteach.    I've  sounded  all  their  Minds;  there's  but  a  few 
That  are  not  warm  and  hearty  in  our  Cause, 
And  those  faint  Hearts  we'll  punish  at  our  Leisure: 
For  hither  tends  my  Purpose ;  to  subdue 
The  Tribes  who  now  their  annual  Homage  pay 
To  the  Imperious  haughty  Mohawk  Chief, 


PONTEACH:    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

Whose  Pride  and  Insolence  'tis  Time  to  curb. 
He  ever  boasts  the  Greatness  of  his  Empire, 
The  Swiftness,  Skill  and  Valour  of  his  Warriors, 
His  former  Conquests,  and  his  fresh  Exploits, 
The  Terror  of  his  Arms  in  distant  Lands, 
And  on  a  Footing  puts  himself  with  me, 
For  Wisdom  to  contrive,  and  Power  to  do. 
Such  a  proud  Rival  must  not  breath  the  Air; 
I'll  die  in  fighting,  or  I'll  reign  alone 
O'er  every  Indian  Nation,  Tribe,  and  Chief. 
But  this  in  solemn  Silence  we  conceal, 
Till  they're  drawn  in  to  fight  the  common  Foe, 
Then  from  my  Face,  the  sly  Disguise  I'll  cast, 
And  shew  them  Ponteach  to  their  Surprize. 

Tenesco.    Thy  Plan  is  wise,  and  may  Success  attend  it; 
May  all  the  warlike  numerous  Tribes  unite, 
Nor  cease  to  conquer  while  thou  hast  a  Foe! 
Then  may  they  join  and  own  thee  for  their  Sovereign, 
Pay  full  Submission  to  thy  scepter'd  Arm, 
And  universal  Empire  be  thy  own  ! 

Chekitan.    Would  you  the  Mohawk  Emperor  displease, 
•And  wage  a  bloody  War,  by  which  you  made 
Him  and  his  num'rous  Tribes  your  certain  Foes? 

Ponteach.    Most  of  his  Tribes  will  welcome  the  Proposal; 
For  long  their  galled  necks  have  felt  the  Yoke, 
Long  wish'd  for  Freedom  from  his  partial  Sway, 
In  favour  of  the  proud  incroaching  Britons. 
Nay,  they  have  oft,  in  spite  of  his  Displeasure, 
Rush'd  forth  like  Wolves  upon  their  naked  Borders, 
And  now,  like  Tygers  broken  from  their  Chains, 
They'll  glut  themselves,  and  revel  in  their  Blood. 

Philip.    Myself  will  undertake  to  make  even  Hendrick1 
Our  zealous  Friend  against  the  common  Foe; 
His  strong  Attachment  to  them  I'll  dissolve, 
And  make  him  rage,  and  thirst  for  Vengeance  on  them. 

1  Hendrick  was  a  Mohawk  chief,  son  of  a  Mohegan  father  and  a  Mohawk 
mother.  With  many  of  his  men  he  participated  in  the  campaign  against  the  French 
in  1755,  and  at  the  request  of  General  Johnson  joined  the  English  army,  which 
met  two  thousand  French  under  Dieskau  near  Lake  George.  At  the  battle  which 
there  took  place,  September  8,  1755,  Hendrick  with  many  of  his  followers  was 
killed.  He  was  then  less  than  seventy  years  of  age. 

203 


PONTEACH :    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

Ponteacb.    This  would  be  doing  Honour  to  thyself, 
And  make  thee  worthy  of  thy  Father's  Crown. 
The  secret  Means  I  will  not  now  inquire, 
Nor  doubt  but  thus  engag'd  you  will  perform. 
The  Chiefs  in  part  are  knowing  to  my  Purpose, 
And  think  of  nought  but  War,  and  Blood,  and  Plunder, 
Till  in  full  Council  we  declare  our  Pleasure, 
But  first  my  last  Night's  Dream  I  will  relate, 
Which  much  disturb'd  my  weary  anxious  Mind, 
And  must  portend  some  signal  grand  Event 
Of  good  or  Evil  both  to  me  or  mine. 
On  yonder  Plain  I  saw  the  lordly  Elk1 
Snuffing  the  empty  Air  in  seeming  Sport, 
Tossing  his  Head  aloft,  as  if  in  Pride 
Of  his  great  Bulk  and  nervous  active  Limbs, 
And  Scorn  of  every  Beast  that  haunts  the  Wood. 
With  mighty  Stride  he  travelled  to  and  fro, 
And  as  he  mov'd  his  Size  was  still  increas'd, 
Till  his  wide  Branches  reached  above  the  Trees, 
And  his  extended  Trunk  across  the  Plain. 
The  other  Beasts  beheld  with  wild  Amaze, 
Stood  trembling  round,  nor  dare  they  to  approach 
Till  the  fierce  Tyger  yell'd  the  loud  Alarm, 
When  Bears,  Cats,  Wolves,  Panthers,  and  Porcupines, 
And  other  Beasts  of  Prey,  with  Force  united 
And  savage  Rage,  attack'd  the  common  Foe. 
But  as  the  busking  Bull,  when  Summer  Flies, 
With  keenest  Sting  disturb  the  grazing  Herd, 
Stands  careless  in  some  shady  cool  Retreat, 
And  from  his  Sides  sweeps  the  invenom'd  Mites, 
Or  shakes  them  with  a  Stamp  into  the  Dust; 
So  he  unmov'd  amidst  their  Clamours  stood, 
Trampled  and  spurn'd  them  with  his  Hoofs  and  Horns, 
Till  all  dispers'd  in  wild  Disorder  fled, 
And  left  him  Master  of  th'  extended  Plain. 

Tenesco.  This  Dream  no  doubt  is  full  of  some  great  Meaning, 

1  "  The  Indians  have  a  great  veneration  for  the  elk,  and  imagine  that  to  dream 
of  it  portends  good  fortune  and  long  life."  Rogers,  A  Concise  Account  of  North 
America,  p.  260.  "The  Indians  depend  much  upon  their  dreams,  and  really 
believe  the  dream  the  whole  history  of  their  future  life,  ...  for  which  reason 
they  make  dreaming  a  kind  of  religious  ceremony  ..."  Idem,  p.  215. 

204 


PONTEACH  :    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

And  in  it  bears  the  Fate  of  your  Design, 
But  whether  good  or  ill,  to  me's  a  Secret. 

Philip.   It  ne'er  was  counted  ill  to  dream  of  Elks, 
But  always  thought  portentous  of  Success, 
Of  happy  Life,  and  Victories  in  War, 
Or  Fortune  good  when  we  attempt  the  Chace. 

Chekitan.    Such  is  the  common  Say ;  But  here  the  Size 
And  all  the  Circumstances  are  uncommon, 
And  therefore  can  contain  no  common  Meaning: 
I  fear  these  Things  portend  no  Good  to  us, 
That  Mischiefs  lurk  like  Serpents  in  the  Grass, 
Whose  pois'nous  deadly  Bite  precedes  all  Warning, 
That  this  Design  will  end  in  mighty  Ruin 
To  us  and  ours,  Discord  among  our  Friends, 
And  Triumph  to  our  Foes. 

Philip.    A  valiant  Hero  ! 
Thou  always  wast  a  Coward,  and  hated  War, 
And  lov'st  to  loll  on  the  soft  Lap  of  Peace. 
Thou  art  a  very  Woman  in  thy  Heart, 
And  talk'st  of  Snakes  and  Bugbears  in  the  Dark, 
Till  all  is  Horror  and  Amaze  about  thee, 
And  even  thy  own  Shadow  makes  thee  tremble. 

Cbekitan.    Is  there  no  Courage  in  delib'rate  Wisdom? 
Is  all  rank  Cowardice  but  Fire  and  Fury? 
Is  it  all  womanish  to  re-consider 
And  weigh  the  Consequences  of  our  Actions, 
Before  we  desperately  rush  upon  them  ? 
Let  me  then  be  the  Coward,  a  mere  Woman, 
Mine  be  the  Praise  of  Coolness,  yours  of  Rage. 

Pont  each.    Peace,  Peace,  my  Sons,  nor  let  this  casual  Strife 
Divide  your  Hearts;  both  mean  the  common  Good; 
Go  Hand  in  Hand  to  conquer  and  promote  it. 
I'll  to  our  worthy  Doctor  and  the  Priest, 
Who  for  our  Souls  Salvation  come  from  France ; 
They  sure  can  solve  the  Mysteries  of  Fate, 
And  all  the  Secrets  of  a  Dream  explain ; 
Mean  while,  Tenesco,  warn  the  other  Chiefs 
That  they  attend  my  Call  within  an  Hour. 

(Exeunt  Pont.  &  Tenesco. 

Philip.    My  Warmth  perhaps  has  carried  me  too  far, 
But  it's  not  in  me  to  be  cool  and  backward 

205 


PONTEACH :    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

To  act  or  speak  when  Kingdoms  are  the  Prize. 
My  Blood  runs  high  at  the  sweet  Sound  of  Empire/ 
Such  as  our  Father's  Plan  ensures  to  us, 
And  I'm  impatient  of  the  least  Delay. 

Cbekitan.    Thy  Fire  thou  hast  a  Right  to  stile  a  Virtue ; 
Heat  is  our  Friend  when  kept  within  due  Bounds, 
But  if  unbridled  and  allowed  to  rage, 
It  burns  and  blisters,  torments  and  consumes, 
And,  Torrent-like,  sweeps  every  Comfort  by. 
Think  if  our  Father's  Plan  should  prove  abortive, 
Our  Troops  repuls'd,  or  in  th'  Encounter  slain, 
Where  are  our  conquer'd  Kingdoms  then  to  share,   ' 
Where  are  our  Vict'ries,  Trophies,  Triumphs,  Crowns, 
That  dazzle  in  thy  Eye,  and  swell  thy  Heart; 
That  nerve  thy  Arm,  and  wing  thy  Feet  to  War 
With  this  impetuous  Violence  and  Speed? 
Crest-fallen  then,  our  native  Empire  lost, 
In  captive  Chains  we  drag  a  wretched  Life, 
Or  fly  inglorious  from  the  conquering  Foe 
To  barren  Mountains  from  this  fertile  Land, 
There  to  repent  our  Folly  when  too  late, 
In  Anguish  mourn,  and  curse  our  wretched  Fate. 

Philip.    But  why  so  much  of  Mischiefs  that  may  happen? 
These  are  mere  possibilities  at  most; 
Creatures  of  Thought,  which  ne'er  can  be  Objections, 
In  valiant  Minds,  to  any  great  Attempt; 
They're  empty  Echoes  of  a  tim'rous  Soul, 
Like  Bubbles  driv'n  by  the  tempestuous  Storm, 
The  Breath  of  Resolution  sweeps  them  off. 
Nor  dost  thou  judge  them  solid  from  thy  Heart. 
I  know  the  secret  Motive  in  thy  Breast, 
Thus  to  oppose  our  Father's  great  Design, 
And  from  an  Undertaking  to  dissuade, 
In  which  thou'lt  share  the  Profit  and  the  Glory. 
Hendrick,  the  King  of  Mohawks,  hath  a  Daughter, 
With  whom  I  saw  you  dallying  in  the  Shade, 
And  thought  you  then  a  Captive  to  her  Charms. 
The  bright  Moneiia  hangs  upon  thy  Heart, 
And  softens  all  the  Passions  of  thy  Soul ; 
Her  thou  think'st  lost  should  we  proclaim  a  War, 
In  which  the  King  her  Father  will  not  join. 

206 


PONTEACH:    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

Cbekitan.    What  if  I  have  a  Value^for  Monelia, 
Is  it  a  Crime?    Does  she  not  merit  Love 
From  all  who  see  her  move,  or  hear  her  speak? 

Philip.    True,  she  is  engaging,  has  a  charming  Air; 
And  if  thy  Love  is  fix'd,  I  will  assist  it, 
And  put  thee  in  Possession  of  the  Joy 
That  thou  desirest  more  than  Crowns  and  Empire. 

Cbekitan.    As  how,  dear  Philip?    Should  we  wage  a  War 
Which  Hendrick  disapproves,  the  Prize  is  lost. 
Not  Empires  then  could  make  Monelia  mine; 
All  Hopes  are  dash'd  upon  that  fatal  Rock; 
Nor  Gold,  nor  Prayers,  nor  Tears,  nor  Promises, 
Nor  all  the  Engin'ry  of  Love  at  Work, 
Could  save  a  single  Moment  of  my  Joy. 

Philip.    Yes,  I  will  save  it  all,  and  make  her  thine, 
Act  but  thy  Part,  and  do  as  I  prescribe, 
In  Peace  or  War  thou  shalt  possess  the  Prize. 

Cbekitan.  Thy  Words  revive  my  half-despairing  Heart. 
What  must  I  act?  or  which  Way  must  I  turn? 
I'll  brave  all  Dangers,  every  111  defy. 
Risque  Life  itself,  to  call  Monelia  mine. 
Help  me,  my  Philip,  and  I'll  be  thy  Slave, 
Resign  my  Share  of  Empire  to  thy  Hand, 
And  lay  a  Claim  to  nothing  but  Monelia. 

Philip.    Rewards  I  do  not  ask ;  I  am  thy  Brother, 
And  hold  my  Kindness  to  thee  as  a  Debt. 
Thou  know'st  I  have  engag'd  to  bring  King  Hendrick 
To  join  the  Lists,  and  fight  against  our  Foes, 
To  rouse  him  to  Revenge,  and  Rage,  and  War, 
And  make  him  zealous  in  the  common  Cause. 
Nay,  with  uncommon  Fury  he  shall  rave, 
And  urge  his  Warriors  on  to  Blood  and  Murder. 
When  this  is  done,  Monelia  may  be  thine, 
Hendrick  will  court  Alliance  to  our  Tribe, 
And  joy  to  call  great  Ponteacb 's  Son  his  own. 

Cbekitan.    But  should  you  fail  in  these  Attempts,  and  he 
Prove  obstinately  fix'd  against  the  War, 
Where's  then  Monelia?  where  is  Cbekitan? 
My  Hopes  are  blasted,  all  my  Joys  are  fled, 
Like  the  vain  Phantoms  of  a  Midnight  Dream, 
Are  scattered  like  the  Dust  before  a  Whirlwind, 

207 


PONTEACH:    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

And  all  my  Soul  is  left  a  Void  for  Pain, 
Vexation,  Madness,  Phrensy,  and  Despair, 
And  all  the  Pains  of  disappointed  Love. 
Better  I  ne*er  had  flattered  my  fond  Heart, 
Nor  sooth'd  my  Mjnd  with  Prospects  of  my  Joy, 
Than  thus  to  perish  on  the  Point  of  Hope. 

Philip.    Leave  all  to  me;  I've  so  concerted  Matters, 
That  I  defy  ev'n  Fate  to  disappoint  me. 
Kxert  thyself,  and  to  Monelia  go, 
Before  th'  assembled  Chiefs  in  Council  meet; 
Urge  it  to  her,  and  to  her  Brother  Torax, 
That  should  their  Father  prove  refractory, 
Withdraw  himself,  and  order  his  Domesticks 
To  hasten  home  at  News  of  our  Design  ; 
Urge  it,  I  say,  to  them ;   Torax  loves  War; 
To  linger  here  in  Hopes  of  his  Return, 
W7hich  tell  them  I'll  effect  ere  twice  the  Sun 
Has  run  the  Circuit  of  his  daily  Race. 
Here  they  may  loiter  careless,  range  the  Woods, 
As  tho*  the  Noise  of  War  had  not  been  heard. 
This  will  give  full  Success  to  both  our  Wishes : 
Thoul't  gain  the  Prize  of  Love,  and  I  of  Wrath, 
In  favour  to  our  Family  and  State. 
Thoul't  tame  the  Turtle,  I  shall  rouse  the  Tyger; 
The  one  will  soothe  thy  Soul  to  soft  Repose, 
The  other  prove  a  Terror  to  our  Foes. 

Chekitan.    I  see  the  subtle  Argument  thou'lt  use, 
And  how  thou'lt  work  upon  the  old  King's  Weakness. 
Thou'lt  set  his  strong  Affection  for  his  Children 
At  War  against  his  Kindness  for  our  Foes, 
By  urging  their  Attachment  to  our  Cause, 
That  they'll  endure  ev'n  Banishment  and  Death, 
Rather  than  cease  to  be  our  stedfast  Friends. 

Philip.    All  this  I'll  urge,  nay  more,  I  will  convince  him, 
These  Foes  to  us  can  be  no  Friends  to  him ; 
I'll  thunder  in  his  Ears  their  growing  Power, 
Their  Villainies  and  Cheats  upon  his  Subjects : 
That  their  fair  Shew  of  Love  is  foul  Disguise; 
That  in  their  Hearts  they  hate  the  name  of  Indians, 
And  court  his  Friendship  only  for  their  Profit; 


208 


PONTEACH :    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

That  when  no  longer  he  subserves  their  Ends, 
He  may  go  whistle  up  some  other  Friends. 

Cbekitan.    This  must  alarm  and  bring  him  to  our  Mind. 
I'll  hasten  to  my  Charge  with  utmost  Speed, 
Strain  every  Nerve,  and  every  Power  exert ; 
Plead,  promise,  swear  like  any  Christian  Trader; 
But  I'll  detain  them  till  our  Ends  are  answer'd, 
And  you  have  won  their  Father  to  our  Purpose.  (Exit. 

Philip,  solus. 

Oh !  what  a  wretched  Thing  is  a  Man  in  Love! 
All  Fear  — all  Hope  — all  Diffidence  — all  Faith  — 
Distrusts  the  greatest  Strength,  depends  on  Straws  — 
Soften'd,  unprovident,  disarm'd,  unman'd, 
Led  blindfold ;  every  Power  denies  its  Aid, 
And  every  Passion's  but  a  Slave  to  this; 
Honour,  Revenge,  Ambition,  Interest,  all 
Upon  its  Altar  bleed  —  Kingdoms  and  Crowns 
Are  slighted  and  contemn'd,  and  all  the  Ties 
Of  Nature  are  dissolv'd  by  this  poor  Passion: 
Once  have  1  felt  its  Poison  in  my  Heart, 
When  this  same  Chekitan  a  Captive  led 
The  fair  Donanta  from  the  Illinois; 
I  saw,  admir'd,  and  lov'd  the  charming  Maid, 
And  as  a  Favour  ask'd  her  from  his  Hands, 
But  he  refus'd  and  sold  her  for  a  Slave. 
My  Love  is  Dead,  but  my  Resentment  lives, 
And  now's  my  Time  to  let  the  Flame  break  forth, 
For  while  I  pay  this  antient  Debt  of  Vengeance, 
I'll  serve  my  Country,  and  advance  myself. 
He  loves  Monelia  —  Hendrick  must  be  won  — 
Monelia  and  her  Brother  both  must  bleed  — 
This  is  my  Vengeance  on  her  Lover's  Head  — 
Then  I'll  affirm,  'twas  done  by  Englishmen  — 
And  to  gain  Credit  both  with  Friends  and  Foes, 
I'll  wound  myself,  and  say  that  I  receiv'd  it 
By  striving  to  assist  them  in  the  Combat. 
This  will  rouse  Hendrick' s  Wrath,  and  arm  his  Troops 
To  Blood  and  Vengeance  on  the  common  Foe. 
And  further  still  my  Profit  may  extend ; 


209 


PONTEACH :    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

My  Brother's  Rage  will  lead  him  into  Danger, 
And,  he  cut  off,  the  Empire's  all  my  own. 
Thus  am  I  fix'd ;  my  Scheme  of  Goodness  laid, 
And  I'll  effect  it,  tho'  thro'  Blood  I  wade, 
To  desperate  Wounds  apply  a  Desperate  Cure, 
And  to  tall  Structures  lay  Foundations  sure ; 
To  Fame  and  Empire  hence  my  Course  I  bend, 
And  every  Step  I  take  shall  thither  tend. 


End  of  the  Second  ACT. 


210 


ACT  III. 
SCENE  I. —  A  Forest. 

Chekitan  seeing  Torax  and  Monelia  coming  towards  them. 

As  the  young  Hunter,  anxious  in  the  Chace, 

With  beating  Heart  and  quivering  Hand  espies 

The  wish'd  lor  Game,  and  trembles  for  th'  Event, 

So  I  behold  the  bright  Monelia  s  Steps, 

Whom  anxiously  I've  sought,  approach  this  way  — 

What  shall  I  say  ?  or  how  shall  I  accost  her  ? 

It  is  a  fatal  Minute  to  mistake  in. 

The  Joy  or  Grief  of  Life  depends  upon  't ; 

It  is  the  important  Crisis  of  my  Fate. 

I've  thought  a  thousand  things  to  say  and  do, 

But  know  not  which  to  say  or  do  the  first. 

Shall  I  begin  with  my  old  Tale  of  Love? 

Or  shall  I  shock  her  with  the  News  of  War? 

Must  I  put  on  the  Face  of  Joy  or  Grief? 

Seem  unconcern'd  or  full  of  Doubts  and  Fears? 

How  unprepar'd  I  am  for  the  Encounter! 

I'd  rather  stand  against  an  Host  of  Foes  — 

But  she  draws  near,  and  Fate  must  guide  me  now. 

Enter  Torax  and  Monelia. 

Where  tend  your  Steps  with  such  an  Air  of  Joy? 

Torax.    To  view  the  Beauties  of  th'  extended  Lake, 
And  on  its  mossy  Bank  recline  at  Ease, 
While  we  behold  the  Sports  of  Fish  and  Fowl, 
Which  in  this  Calm  no  doubt  will  be  diverting. 
And  these  are  new  Amusements  to  Monelia, 
She  never  saw  the  Sea  or  Lakes  before. 

Chekitan.   I'm  glad  our  Country's  aught  to  give  such  Pleasure 
To  one  deservedly  so  welcome  in  it. 

Monelia.    That  I  am  welcome  you  have  oft  assur'd  me, 


PONTEACH:    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

That  I  deserve  it  you  may  be  mistaken, 
The  outside  Shew,  the  Form,  the  Dress,  the  Air, 
That  please  at  first  Acquaintance,  oft  deceive  us, 
And  prove  more  Mimickers  of  .true  Desert, 
Which  always  brightens  by  a  further  Trial, 
Appears  more  lovely  as  we  know  it  better, 
At  least  can  never  suffer  by  Acquaintance. 
Perhaps  then  you  To-morrow  will  despise 
What  you  esteem  to-Day,  and  call  deserving. 

Chekitan.    My  Love  to  you,  Monelia^  cannot  change. 
Your  Beauty,  like  the  Sun,  for  ever  pleases, 
And  like  the  Earth,  my  Love  can  never  move. 

Monelia.    The  Earth  itself  is  sometimes  known  to  shake, 
And  the  bright  Sun  by  Clouds  is  oft  conceal'd, 
And  gloomy  Night  succeeds  the  Smiles  of  Day  — 
So  Beauty  oft  by  foulest  Faults  is  veil'd, 
And  after  one  short  Blaze  admir'd  no  more, 
Loses  its  Lustre,  drops  its  sparkling  Charms, 
The  Lover  sickens,  and  his  Passion  dies. 
Nay  worse,  he  hates  what  he  so  doted  on. 
Time  only  proves  the  Truth  of  Worth  and  Love, 
The  one  may  be  a  Cheat,  the  other  change, 
And  Fears,  and  Jealousies,  and  mortal  Hate, 
Succeed  the  Sunshine  of  the  warmest  Passion. 

Chekitan.    Have  I  not  vow'd  my  Love  to  you,  Monfliat 
And  open'd  all  the  Weakness  of  my  Heart  ? 
You  cannot  think  me  false  and  insincere, 
When  I  repeat  my  Vows  to  love  you  still; 
Each  time  I  see  you  move,  or  hear  you  speak, 
It  adds  fresh  Fuel  to  the  growing  Flame. 
You're  like  the  rising  Sun,  whose  Beams  increase 
As  he  advances  upward  to  our  View; 
We  gaze  with  growing  Wonder  till  we  're  blind, 
And  every  Beauty  fades  and  dies  but  his. 
Thus  shall  I  always  view  your  growing  Charm, 
And  every  Day  and  Hour  with  fresh  Delight. 
Witness  thou  Sun  and  Moon,  and  Stars  above, 
Witness  ye  purling  Streams  and  quivering  Lakes, 
Witness  ye  Groves  and  Hills,  and  Springs  and  Plains, 
Witness  ye  Shades,  and  the  cool  Fountain,  where 
1  first  espied  the  Image  of  her  Charms, 


212 


PONTEACH :   OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

And  starting  saw  her  on  th*  adjacent  Bank, 
If  I  to  my  Monelia  prove  untrue. 

Monelia.   Hoh!  now  your  Talk  is  so  much  like  a  Christian's, 
That  I  must  be  excus'd  if  I  distrust  you, 
And  think  your  fair  Pretenses  all  designing. 
I  once  was  courted  by  a  spruce  young  Blade, 
A  lac'd  Coat  Captain,  warlike,  active,  gay, 
Cockaded  Hat  and  Medal  on  his  Breast, 
And  everything  was  clever  but  his  Tongue ; 
He  swore  he  lov'd,  O  !  how  he  swore  he  lov'd, 
Call'd  on  his  God  and  Stars  to  witness  for  him, 
Wish'd  he  might  die,  be  blown  to  Hell  and  damn'd, 
If  ever  he  lov'd  woman  so  before: 
Call'd  me  his  Princess,  Charmer,  Angel,  Goddess, 
Swore  nothing  else  was  ever  half  so  pretty, 
So  dear,  so  sweet,  so  much  to  please  his  Taste, 
He  kiss'd,  he  squeez'd,  and  press'd  me  to  his  Bosom, 
Vow'd  nothing  could  abate  his  ardent  Passion, 
Swore  he  should  die,  should  drown,  or  hang  himself, 
Could  not  exist  if  I  denied  his  Suit, 
And  said  a  thousand  Things  I  cannot  name: 
My  simple  Heart,  made  soft  by  so  much  Heat, 
Half  gave  Consent,  meaning  to  be  his  Bride. 
The  Moment  thus  unguarded,  he  embrac'd, 
And  impudently  ask'd  to  stain  my  Virtue. 
With  just  Disdain  I  push'd  him  frcm  my  Arms, 
And  let  him  know  he'd  kindled  my  Resentment; 
The  Scene  was  chang'd  from  Sunshine  to  a  Storm, 
O  !  then  he  curs'd,  and  swore,  and  damn'd,  and  sunk, 
Call'd  me  proud  Bitch,  pray'd  Heav'n  to  blast  my  Soul, 
Wish'd  Furies,  Hell,  and  Devils  had  my  Body, 
To  say  no  more;  bid  me  begone  in  Haste 
Without  the  smallest  Mark  of  his  Affection. 
This  was  an  Englishman,  a  Christian  Lover. 

Chekitan.    Would  you  compare  an  Indian  Prince  to  those 
Whose  Trade  it  is  to  cheat,  deceive,  and  flatter? 
Who  rarely  speak  the  Meaning  of  their  Hearts? 
Whose  Tongues  are  full  of  Promises  and  Vows  ? 
Whose  very  Language  is  a  downright  Lie? 
Who  swear  and  call  on  Gods  when  they  mean  nothing? 
Who  call  it  complaisant,  polite  good  Breeding, 

213 


PONTEACH:    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

To  say  Ten  thousand  things  they  don't  intend, 
And  tell  their  nearest  Friends  the  basest  Falsehoods? 
I  know  you  cannot  think  me  so  perverse, 
Such  Baseness  dwells  not  in  an  Indian'.*  Heart, 
And  I'll  convince  you  that  I  am  no  Christian. 

Mone/ia.  Then  do  not  swear,  nor  vow,  nor  promise  much, 
An  honest  Heart  needs  none  of  this  Parade; 
Its  Sense  steals  softly  to  the  listning  Ear, 
And  Love,  like  a  rich  Jewel  we  most  value, 
When  we  ourselves  by  Chance  espy  its  Blaze 
And  none  proclaims  where  we  may  find  the  Prize. 
Mistake  me  not,  I  don't  impeach  your  Honour, 
Nor  think  you  undeserving  my  Esteem  ; 
When  our  Hands  join  you  may  repeat  your  Love, 
But  save  these  Repetitions  from  the  Tongue. 

Chekitan.    Forgive  me,  if  my  Fondness  is  too  pressing, 
'Tis  Fear,  'tis  anxious  Fear,  that  makes  it  so. 

Mone/ia.    What  do  you  fear?  have  I  not  said  enough? 
Or  would  you  have  me  swear  some  Christian  Oath  ? 

Chekitan.    No,  but  I  fear  our  Love  will  be  oppos'd, 
Your  Father  will  forbid  our  Hands  to  join. 

Monelia.    I  cannot  think  it ;  you  are  Ponteach's  Son, 
Heir  to  an  Empire  large  and  rich  as  his. 

Chekitan.    True ;  but  your  Father  is  a  Friend  to  Britons, 
And  mine  a  Foe,  and  now  is  fix'd  on  War, 
Immediate  War:  This  Day  the  Chiefs  assemble, 
To  raise  the  Hatchet,  and  to  arm  the  Troops. 

Monelia.    Then  I  must  leave  your  Realm,  and  bid  Adieu, 
In  spite  of  your  fond  Passion,  or  my  own; 
For  I  can  never  disoblige  my  Father, 
Though  by  it  I  were  sure  to  gain  an  Empire. 

Chekitan.    Then  Chekitan  s  undone,  undone  forever. 
Unless  your  Father  by  kind  Fate  is  mov'd 
To  be  our  Friend,  rnd  join  the  Lists  with  mine. 

Torax.    Nothing  would  please  me  better;  I  love  War, 
And  think  it  time  to  curb  the  English  Pride, 
And  give  a  check  to  their  increasing  Power. 
The  Land  is  ravag'd  by  their  numerous  Bands, 
And  every  Day  they're  growingliiore~our  Lords. 

Chekitan.    Are  you  sincere,  or  do  you  feign  this  Speech? 

Torax.    Indeed  my  Tongue  does  not  bely  my  Heart; 

214 


PONTEACH :   OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

And  but  my  Father's  wrong-turn'd  Policy 
Forbids,  I'd  instant  join  in  War  with  you, 
And  help  to  set  new  Limits  to  their  Power. 

Cbektfan.    'Tis  plain,  if  they  proceed,  nor  you  nor  I 
Shall  rule  an  Empire,  or  possess  a  Crown, 
Our  Countries  all  will  soon  become  a  Prey 
To  Strangers ;  we  perhaps  shall  be  their  Slaves. 
But  will  your  Father  be  convinc'd  of  this? 

Torax.    I  doubt  he'll  not.    The  good  old  Man  esteems 
And  dotes  upon  them  as  most  worthy  Friends ; 
I've  told  Him  often  that  he  cherish'd  Serpents 
To  bite  his  Children,  and  destroy  his  Friends. 
But  this  he  calls  the  Folly  of  my  Youth, 
Bids  me  be  silent,  shew  Respect  to  Age, 
Nor  sow  Sedition  in  my  Father's  Empire. 

Cbekitan.    Stiff  as  he  is,  he  yet  may  be  subdued; 
And  I've  a  Power  prepar'd  that  will  attack  him. 
Should  he  refuse  his  Aid  to  our  Design, 
Retire  himself,  and  bid  his  Troops  to  follow, 
Yet  Philip  stands  engag'd  for  his  Return, 
Ere  twice  the  Sun  hath  ris'n  and  blest  the  Earth. 
Philip  is  eloquent,  and  so  prepar'd, 
He  cannot  fail  to  bend  him  to  our  Purpose. 
You  and  Monelia  have  a  Part  to  act; 
To  linger  here,  should  he  in  Haste  retreat 
Till  Philip  follows  and  employs  his  Force. 
Your  Stay  will  add  new  Life  to  the  Design, 
And  be  of  mighty  Weight  to  gain  Success. 

Monelia.    How  shall  we  tarry  midst  the  Noise  of  War, 
In  Danger  of  our  Lives  from  Friends  and  Foes; 
This  will  be  deem'd  a  Madness  by  our  Father, 
And  will  deserve  his  most  severe  Rebuke. 

Chekitan.    Myself  will  be  a  Sponsor  for  your  Safety; 
And  should  your  Father  baffle  our  Attempts, 
Conduct  you  home  from  all  the  Noise  of  War, 
Where  may  you  long  in  Peace  and  Plenty  smile, 
While  I  return  to  mourn  my  hapless  Fate. 
But  should  Success  attend  on  Philip's  Purpose, 
Your  Katherwill  not  discommend  your  Stay, 
But  smiling  give  new  Vigour  to  the  War; 
Which  being  ended,  and  our  Foes  subdu'd, 

215 


PONTEACH :    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

The  happy  Fruits  of  Peace  succeed  to  all, 
But  we  snail  taste  the  greater  Sweets  of  Love. 

Vorax.    The  Purport  of  our  Stay  is  hid  from  me ; 
But  Philip  's  subtle,  crafty  as  the  Fox, 
We'll  give  full  Scope  to  his  inticing  Art, 
And  help  him  what  we  can  to  take  the  Prey. 

Monelia.    In  your  Protection  then  I  trust  myself, 
Nor  will  delay  beyond  th'  appointed  Term, 
Lest  anxious  Fears  pr  jsess  our  Father's  Heart, 
Or  Mischiefs  happen  that  incur  his  Anger. 

Tor  ax.    It  is  agreed;  we  now  pursue  our  Walk; 
Mean  time  consult  what  else  may  be  of  Use, 
You're  pain'd  with  Love,  and  I'm  in  Pain  for  War.      (Exeunt. 

Chekitan  solus.    The  Game  is  sure — Her  Brother's  on  my 

Side  — 

Her  Brother  and  my  own  —  My  Force  is  strong  — 
But  could  her  Father  now  be  rous'd  to  War, 
How  should  I  triumph  and  defy  even  Fate? 
But  Fortune  favours  all  advent'rous  Souls : 
I'll  now  to  Philip;  tell  him  my  Success, 
And  rouse  up  every  Spark  of  Vigour  in  him : 
He  will  conceive  fresh  Hopes,  and  be  more  zealous. 


SCENE  II. —  Ponteach's  Cabbin. 
Ponteach,  an  Indian  Conjurer,  and  French  Priest. 

Ponteach. 

Well !   have  you  found  the  Secret  of  my  Dream, 
By  all  your  Cries,  and  Howls,  and  Sweats,  and  Prayers? 
Or  is  the  Meaning  still  conceal'd  from  Man, 
And  only  known  to  Genii  and  the  Gods? 

Conjurer.    Two  Hours  I've  lain  within  the  sultry  Stove,1 

1  "Among  the  tribes  to  the  southward  you  will  find  a  conjurer  in  almost  every 
village,  who  pretends  to  great  things,  both  in  politics  and  physic,  undertaking  to 
reveal  the  most  hidden  secrets,  and  to  tell  what  passes  in  the  most  secret  cabinets, 
and  cause  the  most  difficult  negotiations  to  succeed,  to  procure  good  fortune  to 
their  warriors  and  hunters,  etc.;  the  conjurer,  to  prepare  himself  for  these  exploits, 
takes  a  sound  sweat  in  a  stove  and  directly  after  it  plunges  into  a  river  or  lake,  be 
it  ever  so  cold."  Rogers,  A  Concise  Account  of  North  America,  p.  247. 

216 


PONTEACH :   OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

While  Floods  of  Sweat  run  trickling  from  my  Skin ; 
With  Howls  and  Cries  and  all  the  Force  of  Sound 
Have  I  invok'd  your  Genius  and  my  own', 
Smote  on  my  Breast,  and  beat  against  my  Head, 
To  move  an  Answer  and  the  Secret  learn. 
But  all  in  Vain,  no  Answer  can  I  have, 
Till  I  first  learn  what  secret  Purposes 
And  great  Designs  are  brooding  in  your  Mind. 

Priest.    At  our  pure  Virgin's  Shrine  I've  bowed  my  Knees, 
And  there  in  fervent  Prayer  pour'd  out  my  Soul ; 
Call'd  on  Saint  Peter,  call'd  on  all  the  Saints 
That  know  the  Secrets  both  of  Heaven  and  Earth, 
And  can  reveal  what  Gods  themselves  can  do : 
I've  us'd  the  Arts  of  our  most  holy  Mother, 
Which  I  receiv'd  when  I  forsook  the  World, 
And  gave  myself  to  Holiness  and  Heaven; 
But  can't  obtain  the  Secret  of  your  Dream, 
Till  I  first  know  the  Secrets  of  your  Heart, 
Or  what  you  hope  or  wish  to  be  effected. 
'Tis  on  these  Terms  we  learn  the  Will  of  God, 
What  Good  or  111  awaits  on  Kings  or  Kingdoms; 
And  without  this,  St.  Peter's  Self  can't  tell, 
But  at  a  Dream  like  yours  would  be  confounded. 

Pont  each.    You're  well  agreed — Our  Gods  are  much  alike — 
And  I  suspect  both  Rogues — What!  wont  they  tell! 
Should  they  betray  my  Scheme,  the  whole  is  blown. 
And  yet  I  fain  would  know.    I'll  charge  them  first.          (aside. 
Look  here ;  if  I  disclose  a  Secret  to  you, 
•Tell  it  to  none  but  silent  honest  Gods; 
Death  to  you  both,  if  you  reveal  to  Men. 

Both.    We  will,  we  will,  the  Gods  alone  shall  know. 

Ponteach.    Know  then  that  I  have  fix'd  on  speedy  War, 
To  drive  these  new  Encroachers  from  my  Country. 
For  this  I  mean  t'engage  our  several  Tribes, 
And  when  our  Foes  are  driven  to  their  Bounds, 
That  we  may  stand  and  hold  our  Rights  secure, 
Unite  our  Strength  under  one  common  Head, 
Whom  all  these  petty  Kings  must  own  their  Lord, 
Not  even  Hendrick's  self  shall  be  excused. 
This  is  my  purpose.      Learn  if  it  shall  prosper, 
Or  will  it  end  in  Infamy  and  Shame? 

217 


PONTEACH:    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

Conjurer.  Smiting  on  his  Breast,  groaning  and  muttering  in 
bis  Cloak  or  Blanket,  falls  down  upon  the  Ground, 
beats  bis  Head  against  it,  and  pretends  to  listen ; 
then  rises,  and  says  with  a  rumbling  hideous  Voice, 

Success  and  Victory  shall  attend  your  Arms ; 

You  are  the  mighty  Elk  that  none  can  conquer, 

And  all  the  Tribes  shall  own  you  for  their  King. 

Thus,  say  the  Genii,  does  your  Dream  intend. 

Priest,  (looking  up  to  Heaven  in  a  praying  Posture  for  a  small 
Space,  says) 

Had  I  but  known  you  was  resolv'd  on  War, 

And  War  against  those  Hereticks  the  English, 

I  need  not  to  have  ask'd  a  God  or  Saint 

To  signify  the  Import  of  your  Dream. 

Your  great  Design  shall  have  a  prosperous  End, 

'Tis  by  the  Gods  approv'd,  and  must  succeed. 

Angels  and  Saints  are  dancing  now  in  Heaven: 

Your  enemies  are  theirs,  are  hated  by  them, 

And  they'll  protect  and  help  you  as  their  Champion, 

That  fights  their  Battles,  and  defends  their  Cause. 

Our  great  St.  Peter  is  himself  a  Warrior; 

He  drew  his  Sword  against  such  Infidels, 

And  now,  like  him,  you'll  gain  immortal  Honour, 

And  Gods  in  Heaven  and  Saints  on  Earth  will  praise  you. 
Ponteacb.    The  Gods  and  Genii  do  as  you  have  said. 

I'll  to  the  Chiefs,  and  hasten  them  to  Arms. 

(Exeunt  Pont.  &  Conj. 
Priest,  solus. 

This,  by  St.  Peter,  goes  as  I  would  have  it. 

The  Conjurer  agreed  with  me  to  pump  him, 

Or  else  deny  to  solve  his  dubious  Vision : 

But,  that  we've  so  agreed  in  our  responses, 

Is  all  mere  Providence,  and  rul'd  by  Heaven, 

To  give  us  further  Credit  with  this  Indian. 

Now  he  is  fix'd  —  will  wage  immediate  War  — 

This  will  be  joyful  News  in  France  and  Rome, 

That  Ponteacb  is  in  Arms,  and  won't  allow 

The  English  to  possess  their  new-gain'd  Empire: 

That  he  has  slain  their  Troops,  destroy 'd  their  Forts, 

Expell'd  them  from  the  Lakes  to  their  old  Limits: 

That  he  prefers  the  French,  and  will  assist 

218 


PONTEACH :   OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

To  repossess  them  of  this  fertile  Land. 

By  all  the  Saints,  of  this  I'll  make  a  Merit, 

Declare  myself  to  be  the  wise  Projector ; 

This  may  advance  me  towards  St.  Peter's  Chair, 

And  these  blind  Infidels  by  Accident 

May  have  a  Hand  in  making  me  a  Pope  — 

But  stop  —  Won't  this  defeat  my  other  Purpose? 

To  gain  the  Mohawk  Princess  to  my  Wishes  ? 

No  —  by  the  holy  Virgin,  I'll  surprise  her, 

And  have  one  hearty  Revel  in  her  Charms. 

But  now  I'll  hasten  to  this  Indian  Council; 

I  may  do  something  there  that's  a-propos.  (Exit. 


SCENE  III. —  An  Indian  Senate-House. 

Ponteach,  Tenesco,  Philip,  Astinaco,  Bear,  Wolf,  and 
French  Priest. 

Ponteacb. 

Are  all  the  Chiefs  and  Warriors  here  assembled, 
That  we  expect  to  honour  this  Day's  Council  ? 

'Tenesco.    All  are  conven'd  except  the  Mohawk  King, 
Who,  as  we  are  inform'd,  denies  his  Presence. 

Philip.    I've  half  succeeded  with  the  stubborn  Chief, 
He  will  not  join  in  Council,  but  hath  promised, 
Till  further  Notice,  not  to  be  our  Foe : 
He'll  see  how  we  unite,  and  what  Success 
Attends  our  Arms ;  in  short,  he  gives  strong  Hints 
That  he  will  soon  befriend  the  common  Cause. 

Ponteach.    Do  what  he  will,  'tis  this  explains  my  Meaning; 

(taking  up  the  Hatchet. 
You  are  all  well  appris'd  of  my  Design, 
Which  every  passing  Moment  but  confirms: 
Nay,  my  Heart's  pain'd  while  I  with-hold  my  Hand 
From  Blood  and  Vengeance  on  our  hated  Foes. 
Tho'  I  should  stand  alone,  I'll  try  my  Power 
To  punish  their  Encroachments,  Frauds,  and  Pride; 
Yet  tho'  I  die,  it  is  my  Country's  Cause, 
'Tis  better  thus  to  die  than  be  despis'd ; 
Better  to  die  than  be  a  Slave  to  Cowards, 

219 


PONTEACH :    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

Better  to  die  than  see  my  Friends  abus'd ; 

The  Aged  scorn'd,  the  Young  despis'd  and  spurn'd. 

Better  to  die  than  see  my  Country  ruin'd, 

Myself,  my  Sons,  my  Friends  reduc'd  to  Famine, 

Expell.'d  from  hence  to  barren  Rocks  and  Mountains, 

To  curse  our  wretched  Fate  and  pine  in  Want ; 

Our  pleasant  Lakes  and  Fertile  Lands  usurp'd 

By  Strangers,  Ravagers,  rapacious  Christians. 

Who  is  it  don't  prefer  a  Death  in  War 

Tc  this  impending  Wretchedness  and  Shame? 

Who  is  it  loves  his  Country,  Friends  or  Self, 

And  does  not  feel  Resentment  in  his  Soul? 

Who  is  it  sees  their  growing  Strength  and  Power, 

And  how  we  waste  and  fail  by  swift  Degrees, 

That  does  not  think  it  Time  to  rouse  and  arm, 

And  kill  the  Serpent  ere  we  feel  it  sting, 

And  fall  the  Victims  of  its  painful  Poison? 

Oh  !  could  our  Fathers  from  their  Country  see 

Their  antient  Rights  sncroach'd  upon  and  ravag'dj 

And  we  their  Children  slow,  supine,  and  careless 

To  keep  the  Liberty  and  Land  they  left  us, 

And  tamely  fall  a  Sacrifice  to  Knaves! 

How  would  their  Bosoms  glow  with  patriot  Shame, 

To  see  their  Offspring  so  unlike  themselves? 

They  dared  all  Dangers  to  defend  their  Rights, 

Nor  tamely  bore  an  Insult  from  a  Foe. 

Their  plain  rough  Souls  were  brave  and  full  of  Fire, 

Lovers  of  War,  nor  knew  the  Pain  of  Fear. 

Rouse,  then,  ye  Sons  of  antient  Heroes,  rouse, 

Put  on  your  Arms,  and  let  us  act  a  Part 

Worthy  the  Sons  of  such  renowned  Chiefs. 

Nor  urge  I  you  to  Dangers  that  I  shun, 

Or  mean  to  act  my  Part  by  words  alone; 

This  Hand  shall  wield  the  Hatchet  in  the  Cause, 

These  Feet  pursue  the  frighted  running  Foe, 

This  Body  rush  into  the  hottest  Battle; 

There  should  I  fall,  I  shall  secure  my  Honour, 

And,  dying,  urge  my  Countrymen  to  Vengeance 

With  more  Success  than  all  the  Force  of  Words. 

Should  I  survive,  I'll  shed  the  foremost  Tear 

O'er  my  brave  Countrymen  that  chance  to  fall ; 


220 


PONTEACH :   OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

I'll  be  the  foremost  to  revenge  their  Blood, 
And,  while  I  live,  honour  both  them  and  theirs. 
I  add  no  more,  but  wait  to  hear  your  Minds. 

'Tenesco.    Tho'  I'm  a  Warrior,  and  delight  in  Arms, 
Have  oft  with  Pleasure  heard  the  Sound  of  Battle, 
And  oft  return'd  with  Victory  and  Triumph ; 
Yet  I'm  not  fond  to  fight  without  just  Cause, 
Or  shed  the  Blood  of  Men  for  my  Diversion: 
But  I  have  seen,  with  my  own  Eyes  I've  seen, 
High  Provocations  from  our  present  Foes, 
Their  Pride  and  Insults,  Knavery  and  Frauds, 
Their  large  Encroachments  on  our  common  Rights, 
Which  every  Day  increase,  are  seen  by  all, 
And  grown  so  common,  they  are  disregarded. 
What  calls  on  us  more  loudly  for  Revenge, 
Is  their  Contempt  and  Breach  of  public  Faith. 
When  we  complain,  they  sometimes  promise  fair; 
When  we  grow  restless,  Treaties  are  propos'd, 
And  Promises  are  gilded  then  with  Presents. 
What  is  the  End  ?    Still  the  old  Trade  goes  on ; 
Their  Colonels,  Governors,  and  mighty  Men, 
Cheat,  lye,  and  break  their  solemn  Promises, 
And  take  no  Care  to  have  our  Wrongs  redress'd. 
Their  King  is  distant,  would  he  hear  our  Prayers: 
Still  we've  no  other  Way  to  come  at  Justice, 
But  by  our  Arms  to  punish  Wrongs  like  these, 
And  Wrongs  like  these  are  national  and  public, 
Concern  us  all,  and  call  for  public  Vengeance. 
And  Wrongs  like  these  are  recent  in  our  Minds. 

Philip.    Public  or  private  Wrongs,  no  matter  which. 
I  think  our  Hunters  ought  to  be  reveng'd ; 
Their  Bodies  are  found  torn  by  rav'nous  Beasts, 
But  who  doubts  they  were  kill'd  by  Englishmen? 
Their  Heads  are  scalp'd,  their  Arms  and  Jewels  gone, 
And  Beasts  of  Prey  can  have  no  Use  for  these. 
No,  they  were  murdered,  slily,  basely  shot, 
And  who  that  has  a  Heart  does  not  resent  it? 
O  how  I  long  to  tear  their  mangled  Limbs ! 
Yes,  I  could  eat  their  Hearts,  and  drink  their  Blood, 
And  revel  in  their  Torments,  Pains,  and  Tortures; 
And,  though  I  go  alone,  I'll  seek  Revenge. 

221 


PONTEACH :    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

Astinaco.    This  is  the  Fire  and  Madness  of  your  Youth, 
And  must  be  curb'd  to  do  your  Country  Service. 
Facts  are  not  always  what  they  seem  to  be, 
And  this  perhaps  may  be  the  Fault  of  One 
Whom  their  Laws  punish  if  you  once  detect  him. 
Shall  we  then,  to  revenge  your  Countrymen, 
To  recompence  a  Wrong  by  one  committed, 
Rouse  all  to  Arms,  and  make  a  general  Slaughter? 
'Tis  higher  Motives  move  my  Mind  to  War, 
And  make  me  zealous  in  the  common  Cause. 
But  hear  me  —  'Tis  no  Trifle  we're  upon  — 
If  we  have  Wisdom,  it  must  now  be  used; 
If  we  have  Numbers,  they  must  be  united; 
If  we  have  Strength,  it  must  be  all  exerted; 
If  we  have  Courage  it  must  be  inflamed, 
And  every  Art  and  Stratagem  be  practis'd : 
We've  more  to  do  than  fright  a  Pigeon  Roost, 
Or  start  a  timorous  flock  of  running  Deer; 
Yes,  we've  a  strong,  a  warlike  stubborn  Foe, 
Unus'd  to  be  repuls'd  and  quit  the  Field, 
Nay,  flush'd  with  Victories  and  long  Success, 
Their  Numbers,  Strength,  and  Courage  all  renown'd, 
'Tis  little  of  them  that  you  see  or  know. 
I've  seen  their  Capital,  their  Troops  and  Stores, 
Their  Ships,  their  Magazines  of  Death  and  Vengeance, 
And,  what  is  more,  I've  seen  their  potent  King, 
Who  like  a  God  sits  over  all  the  World, 
And  thunders  forth  his  Vengeance  thro'  the  Earth, 
When  he  is  pleas'd,  Smiles  sit  upon  his  Face, 
And  Goodness  flows  in  Rivers  at  his  Feet; 
When  he's  provok'd,  'tis  like  a  fiery  Tempest, 
All's  Terror  and  Amazement  in  his  Presence, 
And  frighted  Heroes  trembling  flee  his  Wrath. 
What  then  is  to  be  done?  what  may  we  hope? 
At  most,  by  secret,  sly,  and  subtle  Means 
To  curb  these  vagrant  Outcasts  of  his  Subjects, 
Secure  our  Countries  from  their  further  Ravage, 
And  make  ourselves  of  more  Importance  to  them, 
Perhaps  procure  a  Peace  to  our  Advantage. 
In  this  I'll  join  and  head  my  valiant  Troops, 
Who  will  not  fail  to  act  a  valiant  Part. 


PONTEACH:    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

'The  Bear.    What  is  the  Greatness  of  their  King  to  us? 
What  of  his  Strength  or  Wisdom  ?    Shall  we  fear 
A  Lion  chain'd,  or  in  another  World? 
Or  what  avails  his  flowing  Goodness  to  us? 
Does  not  the  ravenous  Tyger  feed  her  Young? 
And  the  fierce  Panther  fawn  upon  his  Mate? 
Do  not  the  Wolves  defend  and  help  their  Fellows 
The  poisonous  Serpent  feed  her  hissing  Brood, 
And  open  wide  her  Mouth  for  their  Protection  ? 
So  this  good  King  shews  Kindness  to  his  own, 
And  favours  them,  to  make  a  Prey  of  others; 
But  at  his  Hands,  we  may  expect  no  Favour. 
Look  back,  my  Friends,  to  our  Forefathers'  Time, 
Where  is  their  Country?   where  their  pleasant  Haunts? 
The  running  Streams  and  shady  Forests  where? 
They  chas'd  the  flying  Game,  and  liv'd  in  Plenty. 
Lo,  these  proud  Strangers  now  possess  the  Whole; 
Their  Cities,  Towns,  and  Villages  arise, 
Forests  are  spoil'd,  the  Haunts  of  Game  destroy'd, 
And  all  the  Sea  Coasts  made  one  general  Waste. 
Between  the  Rivers  Torrent-like  they  sweep, 
And  drive  our  Tribes  towards  the  setting  Sun. 
They  who  once  liv'd  on  yon  delightful  Plains 
Are  now  no  more,  their  very  Name  is  lost. 
The  Sons  of  potent  Kings,  subdu'd  and  murder'd, 
Are  Vagrants,  and  unknown  among  their  Neighbours. 
Where  will  the  Ravage  stop?  the  Ruin  where? 
Does  not  the  Torrent  rush  with  growing  Speed, 
And  hurry  us  to  the  same  wretched  End  ? 
'Let  us  grow  wise  then  by  our  Fathers  Folly, 
Unite  our  Strength,  too  long  it's  been  divided, 
And  mutual  Fears  and  Jealousies  obtain'd: 
This  has  encourag'd  our  encroaching  Foes, 
But  we'll  convince  them,  once,  we  dare  oppose  them. 

'The  Wolf.    Yet  we  have  Strength  by  which  we  may  oppose, 
But  every  Day  this  Strength  declines  and  fails. 
Our  great  Forefathers,  ere  these  Strangers  came, 
Liv'd  by  the  Chace,  with  Nature's  Girts  content, 
The  cooling  Fountain  quench'd  their  raging  Thirst. 
Doctors,  and  Drugs,  and  Med'cines  were  unknown, 
Even  Age  itself  was  free  from  Pain  and  Sickness. 

223 


PONTEACH:    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

Swift  as  the  Wind,  o'er  Rocks  and  Hills  they  chas'd 

The  flying  Game,  the  bounding  Stag  outwinded, 

And  tir'd  the  savage  Bear,  and  tam'd  the  Tyger; 

At  Evening  feasted  on  the  past  Day's  Toil, 

Nor  then  fatigu'd;  the  merry  Dance  and  Song 

Succeeded ;  still  with  every  rising  Sun 

The  Sport  renew'd ;  or  if  some  daring  Foe 

Provok'd  their  Wrath,  they  bent  the  hostile  Bow, 

Nor  waited  his  Approach,  but  rush'd  with  Speed, 

Fearless  of  Hunger,  Thirst,  Fatigue,  or  Death. 

But  we  their  soften'd  Sons,  a  puny  Race, 

Are  weak  in  Youth,  fear  Dangers  where  they're  no£; 

Are  weary 'd  with  what  was  to  them  a  Sport, 

Panting  and  breathless  in  one  short  Hour's  Chace1; 

And  every  Kffort  of  our  Strength  is  feeble. 

We're  poison'd  with  the  Infection  of  our  Foes, 

Their  very  Looks  and  Actions  are  infectious, 

And  in  deep  Silence  spread  Destruction  round  them. 

Bethink  yourselves  while  any  Strength  remains; 

Dare  to  be  like  your  Fathers,  brave  and  strong, 

Nor  further  let  the  growing  Poison  spread. 

And  would  you  stop  it,  you  must  resolve  to  conquer, 

Destroy  their  Forts  and  Bulwarks,  burn  their  Towns, 

And  keep  them  at  a  greater  Distance  from  us. 

O  'tis  a  Day  I  long  have  wish'd  to  see, 

And,  aged  as  I  am,  my  Youth  returns 

To  act  with  Vigour  in  so  good  a  Cause. 

Yes,  you  shall  see  the  old  Wolf  will  not  fail 

To  head  his  Troops,  and  urge  them  on  to  Battle. 

Pont  each.    Your  Minds  are  all  for  War,  we'll  not  delay; 
Nor  doubt  but  others  gladly  will  comply, 
When  they  behold  our  Union  and  Success. 

Tenesco.    This  Holy  Priest  has  something  to  propose 
That  may  excite  us  all  to  greater  Zeal. 

Ponteacb.    Let  him  be  heard :  'Tis  something  from  his  Gods, 
And  may  import  the  common  Interest  much. 

Priest.    (Coming  from  one  Side,  where  be  batb  stood  listening.) 
'Tis  not  to  show  my  Eloquence  of  Speech, 
Or  drown  your  Senses  with  unmeaning  Sound, 
That  I  desire  Admittance  to  your  Council ; 
It  is  an  Impulse  from  the  Gods  that  moves  me, 

224 


PONTEACH :    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

That  what  I  say  will  be  to  your  Advantage. 

Oh !  With  what  secret  Pleasure  I  behold 

So  many  wise  and  valiant  Kings  unite, 

And  in  a  Cause  by  Gods  and  Saints  cspous'd. 

Heaven  smiles  on  your  Design,  and  it  shall  prosper. 

You're  going  to  fight  the  Enemies  of  God ; 

Rebels  and  Traitors  to  the  King  of  Kings ; 

Nay  those  who  once  betray 'd  and  kill'd  his  Son, 

Who  came  to  save  you  Indians  from  Damnation  — 

He  was  an  Indian,  therefore  theyjdestroy'd  him;1 

He  rose  again  and  took  his  flighFto  Heaven; 

But  when  his  Foes  are  slain  he'll  quick  return; 

And  be  your  kind  Protector,  Friend,  and  King. 

Be  therefore  brave  and  fight  his  Battles  for  him ; 

Spare  not  his  Enemies,  where-e'r  you  find  'em : 

The  more  you  murder  them,  the  more  you  please  him ; 

Kill  all  you  captivate,  both  old  and  young, 

Mothers  and  Children,  let  them  feel  your  Tortures; 

He  that  shall  kill  a  Briton,  merits  Heaven. 

And  should  you  chance  to  fall,  you'll  be  convey'd 

By  flying  Angels  to  your  King  that's  there 

Where  these  your  hated  Foes  can  never  come- 

Doubt  you  the  Truth  of  this  my  Declaration  ? 

I  have  a  Witness  here  that  cannot  lye  (pulling  out  a  turning  Glass. 

This  Glass  was  touch'd  by  your  great  Saviour's  Hand, 

And  after  left  in  holy  Peter's  Care ; 

When  I  command,  it  brings  down  Fire  from  Heaven, 

To  witness  for  me  that  I  tell  no  Lye 

(The  Indians  gather  round  and  gaze. 

Behold — Great  God,  send  Fire,  convince  these  Indian  Kings 
That  I'm  their  Servant,  and  report  the  Truth, 

(in  a  very  Praying  posture  and  solemn  canting  'Tone. 
Am  sent  to  teach  them  what  they  ought  to  do, 

1  Doubtful  authority  has  it  that  a  part  of  the  far-western  Jesuit  catechism  of 
the  seventeenth  century  ran:  «'  Q^  Who  killed  Jesus  Christ?  A.  The  bloody 
English."  In  1763  there  were  many  godly  and  influential  priests,  Jesuits  ind 
others,  who  did  unforgettable  service  in  the  vicinity  of  Detroit  for  the  beleaguered 
and  all  but  overwhelmed  English.  Pere  Pothier,  chief  of  the  Wyandot  village 
there,  tried  to  dissuade  his  flock  from  attack.  Perc  Jonois,  chief  of  the  Ottawa 
mission  at  Mackinac,  brought  the  news  of  the  fall  of  that  post  in  a  letter  from 
Captain  Etherington,  "who  spoke  in  the  highest  terms "  of  its  bearer.  Pontiac 
Ma.  Parkman,  Conspiracy  of  Pontiac ,  pp.  214,  243. 

225 


PONTEACH :    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

To  kill  and  scalp,  to  torture  and  torment 

Thy  murderous  treacherous  Foes,  the  hateful  English. 

(it  takes  Firet  the  Indians-dr*  amaz'd,  and  retreat  from  it. 

Ponteacb.    Who  can  now  doubt  the  Justice  of  our  Cause, 
Or  this  Man's  Mission  from  the  King  above, 
And  that  we  ought  to  follow  his  Commands? 

Astinaco.    'Tis  wonderful  indeed  —  It  must  be  so  — 

Tene'sco.    This  cannot  be  a  Cheat —  It  is  from  Heaven  — 

All.    We  are  convinc'd  and  ready  to  obey; 
We  are  impatient  to  revenge  our  King. 

Pont  each.    (Takes  up  the  bloody  Hatchet  and  flourishes  it  round) 
Thus  do  I  raise  the  Hatchet  from  the  Ground, 
Sharpen'd  and  bright  may  it  be  stain'd  with  Blood, 
And  never  dull'd  nor  rusted  till  we've  conquer'd, 
And  taught  proud  Englishmen  to  dread  its  Edge. 

All.    (Flourishing  their  Hatchets^  and  striking  them  upon  a 

Block.) 

Thus  will  we  hew  and  carve  their  mangled  Bodies, 
And  give  them  to  the  Beasts  and  Birds  for  Food. 

Ponteacb.    And  thus  our  Names  and  Honours  will  maintain 
While  Sun  and  Moon,  Rivers  and  Trees  remain; 
Our  unborn  Children  shall  rejoice  to  hear 
How  we  their  Fathers  made  the  English  fear. 

The  WAR  SONG. 

To  the  Tune  of  Over  the  Hills  and  far  away,  sung  by  Ten- 
esco  the  head  Warrior.  They  all  join  in  the  Chorus,  and 
dance  while  that  is  singing  in  a  Circle  round  him;  and  during 
the  Chorus  the  Mustek  plays. 

Where-e'r  the  Sun  displays  his  Light, 

Or  Moon  is  seen  to  shine  by  Night, 

Where-e'r  the  noisy  Rivers  flow 

Or  Trees  and  Grass  and  Herbage  grow.  Chorus. 

Bc't  known  that  we  this  War  begin 
With  proud  insulting  Englishmen; 

The  Hatchet  we  have  lifted  high,     (holding  up  their  Hatchets.) 
And  them  we'll  conquer  or  we'll  die.  Chorus. 

The  Edge  is  keen,  the  Blade  is  bright, 
Nothing  saves  them  but  their  Flight; 

226 


PONTEACH :   OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

And  then  like  Heroes  we'll  pursue, 

Over  the  Hills  and  Valleys  through.  Chorus. 

They'll  like  frighted  Women  quake, 

When  they  behold  a  hissing  Snake; 

Or  like  timorous  Deer  away, 

And  leave  both  Goods  and  Arms  a  Prey.  Chorus. 

Pain'd  with  Hunger,  Cold,  or  Heat, 
In  Haste  they'll  from  our  Land  retreat; 
While  we'll  employ  our  scalping  Knives  — 

(drawing  and  flourishing  their  scalping  Knives. 
Take  off  their  Sculls,  and  spare  their  Lives.  Chorus 

Or  in  their  Country  they'll  complain, 
Nor  ever  dare  return  again ; 
Or  if  they  should  they'll  rue  the  Day, 
And  curse  the  Guide  that.shew'd  the  Way.  Chorus. 

If  Fortune  smiles,  we'll  not  be  long 

Ere  we  return  with  Dance  and  Song, 

But  ah  !  if  we  should  chance  to  die, 

Dear  Wives  and  Children  do  not  cry.  Chorus. 

Our  Friends  will  ease  your  Grief  and  Woe, 

By  double  Vengeance  on  the  Foe; 

Will  kill,  and  scalp,  and  shed  their  Blood, 

Where-e'er  they  find  them  thro'  the  Wood.  Chorus. 

No  pointing  Foe  shall  ever  say 

'Twas  there  the  vanquish'd  Indian  lay ; 

Or  boasting  to  his  Friends  relate 

The  Tale  of  our  unhappy  Fate.  Chorus. 

Let  us  with  Courage  then  away 

To  hunt  and  seize  the  frighted  Prey; 

Nor  think  of  Children,  Friend  or  Wife, 

While  there's  an  Englishman  alive.  Chorus. 

In  Heat  and  Cold,  thro*  Wet  and  Dry, 
Will  we  pursue,  and  they  shall  fly 
To  Seas  which  they  a  Refuge  think, 
And  there  in  wretched  Crouds  they'll  sink. 

Chorus.     Exeunt  omnes  singing. 

Tbc  End  of  the  Third  ACT. 

227 


ACT  IV. 

SCENE  I. —  7 "be  Border  of  a  Grove. 

Enter  Tenesco  to  Philip  and  Chckitan. 

Tenesco. 

The  Troops  are  all  assembled,  some  have  march'd, 
Perhaps  are  now  engag'd,  and  warm  in  Battle; 
The  rest  have  Orders  where  to  bend  their  Course. 
Each  Tribe  is  headed  by  a  valiant  Chief, 
Except  the  Bulls  which  fall  to  one  of  you; 
The  other  stays  to  serve  the  State  at  home, 
Or  back  us,  should  our  Forces  prove  too  weak. 

Philip.    The  Bulls  are  brave,  had  they  a  brave  Commander, 
They'd  push  the  Battle  home  with  sure  Success. 
I'd  chuse  of  all  the  Troops  to  be  their  Leader; 
For  tho'  I'd  neither  Courage,  Skill,  nor  Strength, 
Honour  attends  the  Man  who  heads  the  Brave; 
Many  are  dubb'd  for  Heroes  in  these  Times, 
Who  owe  their  Fame  to  those  whom  they  commanded. 

Tenesco.    But  we  shall  ne'er  suspect  your  Title  false ; 
Already  you've  confirm'd  your  Fame  and  Courage, 
And  prov'd  your  Skill  and  Strength  as  a  Commander. 

Philip.    Still  I'll  endeavor  to  deserve  your  Praise, 
Nor  long  delay  the  Honour  you  propose. 

Chekitan.    But  this  will  interfere  with  your  Design, 
And  oversets  the  Sciieme  of  winning  Hendrick. 

Philip.    Ah  true  —  and  kills  your  Hopes  —  This  man's  in 
Love.  (To  Tenesco. 

Tenesco.     Indeed!    In   Love  with  whom?    King  Hendrick' s 
Daughter? 

Philip.    The  same;  and  I've  engag'd  to  win  her  Father. 

Tenesco.    This  may  induce  him  to  espouse  our  Cause. 
Which  likewise  you  engag'd  should  be  effected. 

Philip.    But  then  I  can't  command  as  was  propos'd 
I  must  resign  that  Honour  to  this  Lover, 
While  I  conduct  and  form  this  double  Treaty. 

228 


PONTEACH :    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

Tentsco.    I  am  content  if  you  but  please  yourselves 
By  means  and  Ways  not  hurtful  to  the  Public. 

Chekitan.    Was  not  the  Public  serv'd,  no  private  Ends 
Would  tempt  me  to  detain  him  from  the  Field, 
Or  in  his  Stead  propose  myself  a  Leader ; 
But  every  Power  I  have  shall  be  exerted : 
And  if  in  Strength  or  Wisdom  I  should  fail, 
I  dare  presume  you'll  ever  find  me  faithful. 

Tenesco.    I  doubt  it  not — You'll  not  delay  your  Charge; 
The  Troops  are  all  impatient  for  the  Battle. 

(Exeunt  Tenesco  and  Philip. 

Chekitant  solus. 

This  is  not  to  my  Mind — But  J  must  do  it  — 
If  Philip  heads  the  Troops,  my  Hopes  are  blown  — 
I  must  prepare,  and  leave  the  Event  to  Fate 
And  him — 'Tis  fix'd  —  There  is  no  other  Choice; 
Monelia  I  must  leave,  and  think  of  Battles — 
She  will  be  safe — But  Oh  the  Chance  of  War  — 
Perhaps  I  fall  —  and  never  see  her  more  — 
This  shocks  my  Soul  in  spite  of  Resolution  — 
The  bare  Perhaps  is  more  than  Daggers  to  me  — 
To  part  for  ever!    I'd  rather  stand  against 
Embattled  Troops  than  meet  this  single  Thought; 
A  Thought  in  Poison  dipp'd  and  pointed  round; 

0  how  it  pains  my  doubting  trembling  Heart! 

1  must  not  harbour  it — My  Word  is  gone  — 
My  Honour  calls  —  and,  what  is  more,  my  Love. 

(Noise  of  Monelia  striving  behind  the  Scene. 
What  Sound  is  that? — It  is  Monelia  s  Voice; 
And  in  Distress  —  What  Monster  gives  her  Pain? 

( Going  towards  the  Sound,  the  Scene  opens  and  discovers  the 
Priest  with  her.) 


SCENE   II. —  Monelia  and  Priest. 

What  do  I  see?    The  holy  Priest  is  with  her. 

Monelia.  (Struggling  with  the  Priest ',  and  trying  to  disengage 
No,  I  would  sooner  die  than  be  dishonour'd —  [herself.) 

Cut  my  own  Throat,  or  drown  me  in  the  Lake. 

Priest.    Do  you  love  Indians  better  than  us  white  Men? 

229 


PONTEACH:    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

Monelia.    Nay,  should  an  Indian  make  the  foul  Attempt, 
I'd  murder  him,  or  kill  my  wretched  Self. 

Priest.    I  must,  I  can,  and  will  enjoy  you  now. 

Monelia.     You   must!     You   shan't,   you  cruel,  barbarous 

Christian. 

Cbekitan.    Hold,  thou  mad  Tyger—  What  Attempt  is  this? 

(seizing  him. 

Are  you  a  Christian  Priest?    What  do  you  here?    (pushes  him. 
What  was  his  will,  Monelia?    He  is  dumb. 

Monelia.    May  he  be  dumb  and  blind,  and  senseless  quite, 
That  has  such  brutal  Baseness  in  his  Mind. 

Cbekitan.    Base,  false  Deceiver,  what  could  you  intend  ? 

(making  towards  him. 

Monelia.    Oh  I  am  faint  —  You  have  preserv'd  my  Honour, 
Which  he,  foul  Christian,  thirsted  to  destroy. 

(Priest  attempts  to  go. 

Cbekitan.    Stay ;  leave  your  Life  to  expiate  your  Crime : 
Your  heated  Blood  shall  pay  for  your  Presumption. 

(offering  to  strike  him  with  a  Hatchet. 

Priest.    Good  Prince,  forbear  your  pious  Hand  from  Blood; 
I  did  not  know  you  was  this  Maiden's  Lover, 
1  took  her  for  a  Stranger,  half  your  Foe. 

Cbekitan.     Did   you   not   know  she  was   King  Hendrick's 

Daughter? 

Did  you  not  know  that  she  was  not  your  Wife? 
Have  you  not  told  us,  holy  Men  like  you 
Are  by  the  Gods  forbid  all  fleshly  Converse? 
Have  you  not  told  us,  Death,  and  Fire,  and  Hell 
Await  those  who  are  incontinent, 
Or  dare  to  violate  the  Rites  of  Wedlock? 
That  your  God's  mother  liv'd  and  died  a  Virgin, 
And  thereby  set  Example  to  her  Sex? 
What  means  all  this  ?    Say  you  such  Things  to  us, 
That  you  alone  may  revel  in  these  Pleasures  ? 

Priest.    I  have  a  Dispensation  from  St.  Pett, 
To  quench  the  Fire  of  Love  when  it  grows  painful, 
This  makes  it  innocent  like  Marriage  Vows; 
And  all  our  holy  Priests,  and  she  herself, 
Commits  no  Sin  in  this  Relief  of  Nature: 
For,  being  holy,  there  is  no  Pollution 
Communicated  from  us  as  from  others; 

230 


PONTEACH  :    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

Nay,  Maids  arc  holy  after  we've  enjoy 'd  them, 
And,  should  the  Seed  take  Root,  the  Fruit  is  pure. 

Chekitan.    Oh  vain  Pretence !   Falshood  and  foul  Deception ! 
None  but  a  Christian  could  devise  such  Lies ! 
Did  I  not  fear  it  might  provoke  your  Gods, 
Your  Tongue  should  never  frame  Deceit  again. 
If  there  are  Gods,  and  such  as  you  have  told  us, 
They  must  abhor  all  Baseness  and  Deceit, 
And  will  not  fail  to  punish  Crimes  like  yours. 
To  them  I  leave  you  —  But  avoid  my  Presence, 
Nor  let  me  ever  see  your  hated  Head, 
Or  hear  your  lying  Tongue  within  this  Country. 

Priest.    Now  by  St.  Peter  I  must  go  —  He's  raging,     (aside, 

Chekitan.  That  Day  I  do,  by  your  great  dreadful  God, 
This  Hand  shall  cleave  your  Head,  and  spill  your  Blood, 
Not  all  your  Prayers,  and  Lyes,  and  Saints  shall  save  you. 

Priest.    I've  got  his  Father's  Secret,  and  will"  use  it. 
Such  JDisappointment  ought  to  be  reveng'd.  (aside. 

Chekitan.    Don't  mutter  here,  and  conjure  up  your  Saints, 
I  value  not  their  Curses,  or  your  Prayers. 

(stepping  towards  the  Priest  to  hurry  him. 

Priest.    By  all  the  Saints,  young  Man,  thou  shalt  repent  it. 

(Exit. 

Monelia.    Base,  false  Dissembler — Tyger,  Snake,  a  Christian ! 
1  hate  the  Sight;  I  fear  the  very  Name. 

0  Prince,  what  has  not  your  kind  Presence  sav'd  me ! 
Chekitan.    It  sav'd  to  me  more  than  my  Father's  Empire; 

Far  more  than  Crowns  and  Worlds — It  sav'd  Monelia^ 
The  Hope  of  whom  is  more  than  the  Creation. 
In  this  I  feel  the  Triumphs  of  an  Hero, 
And  glory  more  than  if  I'd  conquer'd  Kingdoms. 
Monelia.    O  I  am  thine,  I'm  more  than  ever  thine; 

1  am  your  Captive  now,  your  lawful  Prize : 
You've  taken  me  in  War,  a  dreadful  War! 
And  snatch'd  me  from  the  hungry  Tyger's  Jaw. 
More  than  my  Life  and  Service  is  your  Due, 
And  had  I  more  I  would  devote  it  to  you. 

Chekitan.    O  my  Monelia  I    rich  is  my  Reward, 
Had  I  lost  Life  itself  in  the  Encounter; 
But  still  I  fear  that  Fate  will  snatch  you  from  me. 
Where  is  your  Brother?    Why  was  you  alone? 

23' 


PONTEACH:    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

Enter  Torax,  from  listening  to  their  Discourse. 

Torax.    Here  am  I :  What  would  you  of  me? 

M one  Ha.    'Torax  ! 

I've  been  assaulted  by  a  barbarous  Man, 
And  by  mere  Accident  escap'd  my  Ruin. 

Torax.    What  Foe  is  here?    The  English  are  not  come? 

Monelia.    No :  But  a  Christian  lurk'd  within  the  Grove, 
And  every  Christian  is  a  Foe  to  Virtue ; 
Insidious,  subtle,  cruel,  base,  and  false! 
Like  Snakes,  their  very  Eyes  are  full  of  Poison ; 
And  where  they  are  not  Innocence  is  safe. 

Torax.  '  The  holy  Priest!    Is  he  so  vile  a  Man? 
I  heard  him  mutter  Threat'nings  as  I  past  him. 

Chekitan.    I  spar'd  his  guilty  Life,  but  drove  him  hence, 
On  Pain  of  Death  and  Tortures,  never  more 
To  tread  the  Earth,  or  breathe  the  Air  with  me. 
Be  warn'd  by  this  to  better  tend  your  Charge. 
You  see  how  Mischiefs  lye  conceal'd  about  us, 
We  tread  on  Serpents  ere  we  hear  them  hiss, 
And  Tygers  lurk  to  seize  the  incautious  Prey. 
I  must  this  Hour  lead  forth  my  Troops  to  Battle,  . 
They're  now  in  Arms,  and  waiting  my  Command. 

Monelia.    What  Safety  shall  I  have  when  you  are  gone? 
I  must  not,  cannot,  will  not  longer  tarry, 
Lest  other  Christians,  or  some  other  Foe, 
Attempt  my  Ruin. 

Cbekitan.    Torax  will  be  your  Guard. 
My  Honour  suffers,  should  I  now  decline; 
It  is  my  Country's  Cause;  I've  pawn'd  my  Word, 
Prevented  Philip,  to  make  sure  of  you. 
He  stays.    'Tis  all  in  favour  to  our  Love: 
We  must  at  present  please  ourselves  with  Hopes. 

Monelia.    Oh!  my  fond  heart  no  more  conceals  its  Flame; 
I  fear,  my  Prince,  I  fear  our  Fates  are  cruel: 
There's  something  whispers  in  my  anxious  Breast, 
That  if  you  go,  I  ne'er  shall  see  you  more. 

Cbekitan.    Oh  !  how  her  Words  unman  and  melt  my  Soul ! 
As  if  her  Fears  were  Prophecies  of  Fate.  (aside. 

I  will  not  go  and  leave  you  thus  in  Fears; 
I'll  frame  Excuses  —  Philip  shall  command  — 

232 


PONTEACH :   OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

I'll  find  some  other  Means  to  turn  the  King; 

I'll  venture  Honour,  Fortune,  Life,  and  Love, 

Rather  than  trust  you  from  my  Sight  again. 

For  what  avails  all  that  the  World  can  give  ? 

If  you're  with-held,  all  other  Gifts  are  Curses, 

And  Fame  and  Fortune  serve  to  make  me  wretched. 

Monelia.     Now  you  grow  wild  —  You  must  not  think  of 

staying; 

Our  only  Hope,  you  know,  depends  on  Philip. 
I  will  not  fear,  but  hope  for  his  Success, 
And  your  Return  with  Victory  and  Triumph, 
That  Love  and  Honour  both  may  crown  our  Joy. 

Cbekitan.    Now  this  is  kind;   I  am  myself  again. 
You  had  unman'd  and  soften'd  all  rny  Soul, 
Disarm'd  my  Hand,  and  cowardiz'd  my  Heart: 
But  now  in  every  Vein  I  Teel  an  Hero, 
Defy  the  thickest  Tempest  of  the  War: 
Yes,  like  a  Lion  conscious  of  his  Strength, 
Fearless  of  Death  I'll  rush  into  the  Battle; 
I'll  fight,  I'll  conquer,  triumph  and  return; 
Laurels  I'll  gain  and  lay  them  at  your  Feet. 

Monelia.   .May  the  Success  attend  you  that  you  wish  ! 
May  our  whole  Scheme  of  Happiness  succeed! 
May  our  next  Meeting  put  an  End  to  Fear, 
And  Fortune  shine  upon  us  in  full  Blaze ! 

Cbekitan.    May  Fate  preserve  you  as  her  Darling  Charge ! 
May  all  the  Gods  and  Goddesses,  and  Saints, 
If  conscious  of  our  Love,  turn  your  Protectors ! 
And  the  great  thundering  God  with  Lightning  burn 
Him  that  but  means  to  interrupt  your  Peace. 

(Exeunt. 


SCENE  III. —  Indian  Senate-House. 
Ponteach  and  Philip. 

Pont  each. 
Say  you  that  Torax  then  is  fond  of  War  ? 

Philip.    He  is,  and  waits  impatient  my  Return. 
Ponteach.   'Tis  friendly  in  you  thus  to  help  your  Brother; 

233 


PONTEACH :    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

But  I  suspect  his  Courage  in  the  Field ; 

A  love-sick  Boy  makes  but  a  cow'rdly  Captain. 

Philip.    His  Love  may  spur  him  on  with  greater  Courage; 
He  thinks  he's  fighting  for  a  double  Prize; 
And  but  for  this,  and  Hopes  of  greater  Service 
In  forwarding  the  Treaty  with  the  Mohawk, 
I  now  had  been  in  Arms  and  warm  in  Battle. 

Ponteach.    I  much  commend  the  Wisdom  of  your  Stay. 
Prepare  yourself,  and  hasten  to  his  Quarters ; 
You  cannot  make  th'  Attempt  with  too  much  Speed. 
Urge  ev'ry  Argument  with  Force  upon  him, 
Urge  my  strong  Friendship,  urge  your  Brother's  Love, 
His  Daughter's  Happiness,  the  common  Good; 
The  general  Sense  of  all  the  Indian  Chiefs, 
The  Baseness  of  our  Foes,  our  Hope  of  Conquest; 
The  Richness  of  the  Plunder  if  we  speed; 
That  we'll  divide  and  share  it  as  he  pleases ; 
That  our  Success  is  certain  if  he  joins  us. 
Urge  these,  and  what  besides  to  you  occurs; 
AH  cannot  fail,  1  think,  to  change  his  Purpose. 

Philip.    You'd  think  so  more  if  you  knew  all  my  Plan. 

(aside. 

I'm  all  prepar'd  now  I've  receiv'd  your  Orders, 
But  first  must  speak  t'  his  Children  ere  I  part, 
I  am  to  meet  them  in  the  further  Grove. 

Ponteach.     Hark!  there's  a  shout  —  We've  News  of  some 

Success ; 
It  is  the  Noise  of  Victory  and  Triumph. 

Enter  a  Messenger. 

Huzza!  for  our  brave  Warriors  are  return'd 
Loaded  with  Plunder  and  the  Scalps  of  Christians. 

Enter  Warrior. 

Ponteach.    What  have  you  done?    Why  all  this  Noise  and 

Shouting? 
ist  Warrior.     Three    Forts  are   taken,   all  consum'd   and 

plunder'd; 

The  English  in  them  all  destroy'd  by  Fire, 
Except  some  few  escap'd  to  die  with  Hunger. 

234 


PONTEACH :   OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

2nd  Warrior.  We've  smoak'd  the  Bear  in  spite  of  all  his  Craft, 
Burnt  up  their  Den,  and  made  them  take  the  Field : 
The  mighty  Colonel  Cockum  and  his  Captain 
Have  dull'd  our  Tomhocks;  here  are  both  their  Scalps: 

(nolding  out  the  'Two  Scalps. 
Their  Heads  are  split,  our  Dogs  have  eat  their  Brains. 

Philip.    If  that  be  all  they've  eat,  the  Hounds  will  starve. 

$d  Warrior.  These  are  the  Scalps  of  those  two  famous  Cheats 
Who  bought  our  Furs  for  Rum,  and  sold  us  Water. 

(holding  out  the  Scalps,  which  Ponteach  takes. 
Our  Men  are  loaded  with  their  Furs  again, 
And  other  Plunder  from  the  Villains  Stores. 

Ponteacb.   All  this  is  brave !   (tossing  up  the  scalps^  which  others 
catchy  and  toss  and  throw  them  about. 
This  Way  we'll  serve  them  all. 

Philip.    We'll  cover  all  our  Cabbins  with  their  Scalps : 

Warriors.    We'll  fat  our  Dogs  upon  their  Brains  and  Blood. 

Ponteach.    Ere  long  we'll  have  their  Governors  in  Play : 

Philip.    And  knock  their  grey-wig'd  Scalps  about  this  Way. 

Ponteach.    The  Game  is  started ;  Warriors  hunt  away, 
Nor  let  them  find  a  Place  to  shun  your  Hatchets. 

All  Warriors.    We  will ;  We  will  soon  shew  you  other  Scalps. 

Philip.    Bring  some  alive ;  I  long  to  see  them  dance 
In  Fire  and  Flames,  it  us'd  to  make  them  caper. 

Warriors.   Such  Sport  enough  you'll  have  before  we've  done. 

(Exeunt. 

Ponteach.    This  still  will  help  to  move  the  Mahawk  King. 
Spare  not  to  make  the  most  of  uur  Success. 

Philip.    Trust  me  for  that  —  Hark;  there's  another  Shout; 

(shouting  without. 
A  Shout  for  Prisoners  —  Now  I  have  my  Sport. 

Ponteach.    It  is  indeed;  and  there's  a  Number  too. 

Enter  Warriors. 

We've  broke  the  Barrier,  burnt  their  Magazines, 
Slew  Hundreds  of  them,  and  pursu'd  the  rest 
Quite  to  their  Settlements. 

2nd  Warrior.    There  we  took 
Their  famous  Hunters  Honnyman  and  Orsbourn; 
The  last  is  slain,  this  is  his  bloody  Scalp.  (tossing  it  up. 

With  them  we  found  the  Guns  of  our  lost  Hunters, 


PONTEACH :    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

And  other  Proofs  that  they're  the  Murderers ; 

Nay,  Honnyman  confesses  the  base  Deed, 

And,  boasting,  says,  he's  kill'd  a  Score  of  Indians. 

jd  Warrior.    This  is  the  bloody  Hunter:  This  his  Wife; 

(leading  them  forward^  pinioned  and  tied  together. 
With  Two  young  Brats  that  will  be  like  their  Father. 
We  took  them  in  their  Nest,  and  spoil'd  their  E)reams. 

Philip.    Oh  I  could  eat  their  Hearts  and  drink  their  Blood, 
Were  they  not  Poison,  and  unfit  for  Dogs. 
Here,  you  Blood-hunter,  have  you  lost  your  feeling? 
You  Tygress  Bitch  !    You  Breeder  up  of  Serpents ! 

(slapping  Honnyman  in  the  Facey  and  kicking  his  Wife. 
Ponteacb.    Stop  —  We  must  first  consult  which  way  to  torture. 
And  whether  all  shall  die  —  We  will  retire. 

Philip,  going. 
Take  care  they  don't  escape. 

Warrior.    They're  bound  secure. 

(Exeunt  Indians,  manent  Prisoners. 


SCENE   IV. 

Mrs.  Honnyman. 

O  Honnyman,  how  desperate  is  our  Case ! 
There's  not  a  single  Hope  of  Mercy  left: 
How  savage,  cruel,  bloody  did  they  look ! 
Rage  and  Revenge  appear'd  in  every  Face. 

Honnyman.    You  may  depend  upon't,  we  all  must  die. 
I've  made  such  Havock,  they'll  have  no  Compassion; 
They  only  wait  to  study  out  new  Torments : 
All  that  can  be  inflicted  or  endur'd, 
We  may  expect  from  their  relentless  Hands. 
Their  brutal  Eyes  ne'er  shed  a  pitying  Tear ; 
Their  savage  Hearts  ne'er  had  a  Thought  of  Mercy; 
Their  Bosoms  swell  with  Rancour  and  Revenge, 
And,  Devil-like,  delight  in  others  Plagues, 
Love  Torments,  Torture,  Anguish,  Fire,  and  Pain, 
The  deep-fetch'd  Groan,  the  melancholy  Sigh, 
And  all  the  Terrors  and  Distress  of  Death, 
These  are  their  Musick,  and  enhance  their  Joy. 
In  Silence  then  submit  yourself  to  Fate: 

236 


PONTEACH :   OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

Make  no  Complaint,  nor  ask  for  their  Compassion; 

This  will  confound  and  half  destroy  their  Mirth ; 

Nay,  this  may  put  a  stop  to  many  Tortures, 

To  which  our  Prayers  and  Tears  and  Plaints  would  move  them. 

Mrs.  Hon.    O  dreadful  Scene !  Support  me,  mighty  God, 
To  pass  the  Terrors  of  this  dismal  Hour, 
All  dark  with  Horrors,  Torments,  Pains,  and  Death! 
O  let  me  not  despair  of  thy  kind  Help; 
Give  Courage  to  my  wretched  groaning  Heart ! 

Honnyman.    Tush,  Silence  !  You'll  be  overheard. 

Mrs.  Hon.    O  my  dear  Husband!  'Tis  an  Hour  for  Prayer, 
An  Infidel  would  pray  in  our  Distress: 
An  Atheist  would  believe  there  was  some  God 
To  pity  Pains  and  Miseries  so  great. 

Honnyman.    If  there's  a  God,  he  knows  our  secret  Wishes; 
This  Noise  can  be  no  Sacrifice  to  him; 
It  opens  all  the  Springs  of  our  weak  Passions. 
Besides,  it  will  be  Mirth  to  our  Tormentors; 
They'll  laugh,  and  call  this  Cowardice  in  Christians, 
And  say  Religion  makes  us  all  mere  Women. 

Mrs.  Hon.    I  will  suppress  my  Grief  in  Silence  then, 
And  secretly  implore  the  Aid  of  Heaven. 
Forbid  to  pray  !    O  dreadful  Hour  indeed!  (pausing. 

Think  you  they  will  not  spare  our  dear  sweet  Babes? 
Must  these  dear  Innocents  be  put  to  Tortures, 
Or  dash'd  to  Death,  and  share  our  wretched  Fate? 
Must  this  dear  Babe  that  hangs  upon  my  Breast 

(looking  upon  her  Infant. 

Be  snatch'd  by  savage  Hands  and  torn  in  Pieces ! 
O  how  it  rends  my  Heart !    It  is  too  much  ! 
Tygers  would  kindly  soothe  a  Grief  like  mine ; 
Unconscious  Rocks  would  melt,  and  flow  in  Tears 
At  this  last  Anguish  of  a  Mother's  Soul. 

(pauses,  and  views  her  Child  again. 
Sweet  Innocent!    It  smiles  at  this  Distress, 
And  fondly  draws  this  final  Comfort  from  me : 
Dear  Babe,  no  more :   Dear  Tommy  too  must  die, 

(looking  at  her  other  Child. 
Oh  my  sweet  First-born  !    Oh  I'm  overpower'd.  (pausing. 

Honnyman.    I  had  determin'd  not  to  shed  a  tear;      (weeping. 
But  you  have  all  unmann'd  my  Resolution ; 

23? 


PONTEACH :    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

You've  call'd  up  all  the  Father  in  my  Soul ; 
Why  have  you  narn'd  my  Children  ?   O  my  Son ! 

(looking  upon  him. 

My  only  Son — My  Image  —  Other  Self! 
How  have  I  doted  on  the  charming  Boy, 
And  fondly  plann'd  his  Happiness  in  Life! 
Now  his  Life  ends :  Oh  the  Soul-bursting  Thought ! 
He  falls  a  Victim  for  his  Father's  Folly. 
Had  I  not  kill'd  their  Friends,  they  might  have  spar'd 
My  Wife,  my  Children,  and  perhaps  myself, 
And  this  sad  dreadful  Scene  had  never  happen'd, . 
But  'tis  too  late  that  I  perceive  my  Folly ; 
If  Heaven  forgive,  'tis  all  I  dare  to  hope  for. 

Mrs.  Hon.    What!  have  you  been  a  Murderer  indeed! 
And  kill'd  the  Indians  for  Revenge  and  Plunder? 
I  thought  you  rash  to  tempt  their  brutal  Rage, 
But  did  not  dream  you  guilty  as  you  said. 

Honnyman.    I  am  indeed.    I  murder'd  many  of  them, 
And  thought  it  not  amiss,  but  now  I  fear. 

Mrs.  Honn.   O  shocking  Thought !  Why  have  you  let  me  know 
Yourself  thus  guilty  in  the  Kye  of  Heaven? 
That  I  and  my  dear  Babes  were  by  you  brought 
To  this  Extreme  of  Wretchedness  and  Woe? 
Why  have  you  let  me  know  the  solemn  Weight 
Of  horrid  Guilt  that  lies  upon  us  all? 
To  have  died  innocent,  and  seen  these  Babes 
By  savage  Hands  dash'd  to  immortal  Rest, 
This  had  been  light,  for  this  implies  no  Crime: 
But  now  we  die  as  guilty  Murderers, 
Not  savage  Indians^  but  just  Heaven's  Vengeance 
Pursues  our  Lives  with  all  these  Pains  and  Tortures. 
This  is  a  Thought  that  points  the  keenest  Sorrow, 
And  leaves  no  Room  for  Anguish  to  be  heighten'd. 

Honnyman.    Upbraid  me  not,  nor  lay  my  Guilt  to  Heart; 
You  and  these  Fruits  of  our  past  morning  Love 
Are  innocent.     I  feel  the  Smart  and  Anguish, 
The  Stings  of  Conscience,  and  my  Soul  on  Fire. 
There's  not  a  Hell  more  painful  than  my  Bosom, 
Nor  Torments  for  the  Damn'd  more  keenly  pointed. 
How  could  I  think  to  murder  was  no  Sin? 
Oh  my  lost  Neighbour!     I  seduc'd  him  too. 

238 


PONTEACH :   OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

Now  Death  with  all  its  Terrors  disappears, 
And  all  I  fear's  a  dreadful  Something-after; 
My  Mind  forebodes  a  horrid  woful  Scene, 
Where  Guilt  is  chain'd  and  tortur'd  with  Despair. 

Mrs.  Hon.    The  Mind  oppress'd  with  Guilt  may  find  Relief. 

Honnyman.    Oh  could  I  reach  the  pitying  Ear  of  Heaven, 
And  all  my  Soul  evaporate  in  Sound, 
'Twould  ask  Forgiveness !  but  I  fear  too  late ; 
And  next  I'd  ask  that  you  and  these  dear  Babes 
Might  bear  no  Part  in  my  just  Punishment. 
Who  knows  but  by  pathetic  Prayers  and  Tears 
Their  savage  Bosoms  may  relent  towards  you, 
And  fix  their  Vengeance  where  just  Heaven  points  it? 
I  still  will  hope,  and  every  Motive  urge. 
Should  I  succeed,  and  melt  their  rocky  Hearts, 
I'd  take  it  as  a  Presage  of  my  Pardon, 
And  die  with  Comfort  when  I  see  you  live. 

(Death  Halloo  is  heard  without. 

Mrs.  Hon.     Hark!   they  are  coming — Hear  that  dreadful 
Halloo. 

Honnyman.    It  is  Death's  solemn  Sentence  to  us  all; 
They  are  resolv'd,  and  all  Intreaty's  vain. 
O  horrid  Scene!   how  shall  I  act  my  Part? 
Was  it  but  simple  Death  to  me  alone ! 
But  all  your  Deaths  are  mine,  and  mine  the  Guilt. 

Enter  Indians,  with  Stakesy  Hatchet  s>  and  Firebrands. 

O  horrid  Preparation,  more  than  Death  ! 

Ponteach.    Plant  down  the  Stakes,  and  let  them  be  confin'd. 

(they  loose  them  from  each  other. 
First  kill  the  Tygers,  then  destroy  their  Whelps. 
Philip.    This  Brat  is  in  our  Way,  I  will  dispatch  it. 

(offering  to  snatch  the  sucking  Infant. 
Mrs.  Hon.    No,  my  dear  Babe  shall  in  my  Bosom  die; 
There  is  its  Nourishment,  and  there  its  End. 

Philip.    Die  both  together  then,  'twill  mend  the  Sport ; 
Tie  the  other  to  his  Father,  make  a  Pair; 
Then  each  will  have  a  Consort  in  their  Pains; 
Their  sweet  Brats  with  them,  to  increase  the  Dance. 

(they  are  tied  down  facing  each  other  upon  their 
Knees,  and  their  Backs  to  the  Stakes. 

239 


PONTEACH :    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

Warrior.   All  now  is  ready  ;  they  arc  bound  secure. 

Philip.    Whene'er  you  please,  their  jovial  Dance  begins. 

(to  Ponteach. 

^  Mrs.  Hon.    O  my  dear  Husband !  What  a  Sight  is  this! 
Could  ever  fabling  Poet  draw  Distress 
To  such  Perfection !    Sad  Catastrophe ! 
There  are  not  Colours  for  such  deep-dyed  Woe, 
Nor  Words  expressive  of  such  heighten'd  Anguish. 
Ourselves,  bur  Babes,  O  cruel,  cruel  Fate! 
This,  this  is  Death  indeed  with  all  its  Terrors. 

Honnyman.    Is  there  no  secret  Pity  in  your  Minds? 
Can  you  not  feel  some  tender  Passion  move, 
When  you  behold  the  Innocent  distress'd? 
True,  I  am  guilty,  and  will  bear  your  Tortures : 
Take  your  Revenge  by  all  the  Arts  of  Torment; 
Invent  new  Torments,  lengthen  out  my  Woe, 
And  let  me  feel  the  keenest  Edge  of  Pain : 
But  spare  this  innocent  afflicted  Woman, 
Those  smiling  fiabes  who  never  yet  thought  111, 
They  never  did  nor  ever  will  offend  you. 

Philip.    It  cannot  be:  They  are  akin  to  you, 
Well  learnt  to  hunt  and  murder,  kill  and  rob. 

Pont  each.    Who  ever  spar'd  a  Serpent  in  the  Egg? 
Or  left  young  Tygers  quiet  in  their  Den  ? 

Warrior.    Or  cherishes  young  Vipers  in  his  Bosom? 

Philip.    Begin,  begin;   I'll  lead  the  merry  Dance. 

(offering  at  the  Woman  with  a  Firebrand. 

Ponteach.    Stop:  Are  we  not  unwise  to  kill  this  Woman? 
Or  sacrifice  her  Children  to  our  Vengeance  ? 
They  have  not  wrong'd  us ;  can't  do  present  Mischief. 
1  know  her  Friends ;  they're  rich  and  powerful, 
And  in  their  Turn  will  take  severe  Revenge: 
But  if  we  spare,  they'll  hold  themselves  oblig'd, 
And  purchase  their  Redemption  with  rich  Presents. 
Is  not  this  better  than  an  Hour's  Diversion, 
To  hear  their  Groans,  and  Plaints,  and  piteous  Cries  ? 

Warriors.   You  Counsel's  wise,  and  much  deserves  our  Praise ; 
They  shall  be  spar'd. 

Ponteach.    Untie,  and  take  them  hence; 

(they  untie  the  Woman  and  the  oldest  Child  from  Honnyman, 
and  retire  a  little  to  consult  his  Death. 
240 


PONTEACH:   OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

When  the  War  ends  her  Friends  shall  pay  us  for  it. 

Philip.    I'd  rather  have  the  Sport  than  all  the  Pay. 

Honnyman.    O  now,  kind  Heaven,  thou  hast  heard  my  Prayer, 
And  what's  to  follow  I  can  meet  with  Patience. 

Mrs.  Hon.    O  my  dear  Husband,  could  you  too  be  freed ! 

(weeping, 

Yet  must  I  stay  and  suffer  Torments  with  you. 
This  seeming  Mercy  is  but  Cruelty! 
I  cannot  leave  you  in  this  Scene  of  Woe, 
'Tis  easier  far  to  stay  and  die  together ! 

Honnyman.    Ah  !  but  regard  our  Childrens  Preservation ; 
Conduct  their  Youth,  and  form  their  Minds  to  Virtue ; 
Nor  let  them  know  their  Father's  wretched  End, 
Lest  lawless  Vengeance  should  betray  them  too. 

Mrs.  Hon.    If  I  must  live,  I  must  retire  from  hence, 
Nor  see  your  fearful  Agonies  in  Death; 
This  would  be  more  than  all  the  Train  of  Torments. 
The  horrid  Sight  would  sink  me  to  the  Dust; 
These  helpless  Infants  would  become  a  Prey 
To  worse  than  Beasts,  to  savage,  bloody  Men. 

Honnyman.  Leave  me  — They  are  prepar'd,  and  coming  on ' — 
Heav'n  save  you  all !  O  'tis  the  last  dear  Sight! 

Mrs.  Hon.     Oh   may  we   meet  where    Fear  and   Grief  are 

banish'd ! 
Dearest  of  Men,  adieu  —  Adieu  till  then. 

(Exit,  weeping  with  her  Children. 

Philip.    Bring  Fire  and  Knives,  and  Clubs,  and  Hatchets  all; 

1  "If  the  sentence  of  a  prisoner  be  death,  the  whole  village  sets  up  the  death- 
hollo  or  cry,  and  the  execution  is  no  longer  deferred  than  till  they  can  make  the 
necessary  preparations  for  it.  They  first  strip  the  person  who  is  to  suffer  naked 
and  fixing  two  posts  in  the  ground,  they  fasten  to  them  two  pieces  crossways,  one 
about  two  feet  from  the  ground,  the  other  about  five  or  six  feet  higher ;  they  then 
oblige  the  unhappy  victim  to  mount  upon  the  lower  crosspiece  ;  and  in  this  pos 
ture  they  burn  him  all  over  the  body,  sometimes  first  daubing  him  all  over  with 
pitch.  The  whole  village,  men,  women,  and  children,  assemble  around  him,  and 
everyone  has  a  right  r.o  torture  him  in  whatever  manner  they  please.  If  none  of 
his  bystanders  are  inclined  to  lengthen  out  his  torments,  he  is  not  long  kept  in 
pain,  but  is  either  shot  to  death  with  arrows  or  inclosed  with  dry  bark,  to  which 
they  set  fire ;  they  then  leave  him  on  the  frame,  and  in  the  evening  run  from 
cabin  to  cabin  and  strike  with  small  twigs  their  furniture,  the  walls  and  roof  of 
their  cabins,  to  prevent  his  spirit  from  remaining  there  to  take  vengeance  for  the 
evils  committed  on  the  body."  Rogers,  A  Concise  Account  of  North  America, 
p.  235. 

241 


PONTEACH :    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

Let  the  old  Hunter  feel  the  Smart  of  Pain. 

(they  fall  upon  Honnyman  with  various  Instruments 
of  Torture. 

Honnyman.    Oh !  this  is  exquisite !     (groaning  and  struggling. 

1st  Warrior.    Hah  !  Does  this  make  you  dance? 

2d  Warrior.    This  is  fine  fat  Game! 

Philip.    Make  him  caper. 

(striking  him  with  a  Club,  kicking,  &c. 

Honnyman.    O  ye  eternal  powers,  that  rule  on  high, 
If  in  your  Minds  be  Sense  of  human  Woe, 
Hear  my  Complaints,  and  pity  my  Distress! 

Philip.    Ah  call  upon  your  Gods,  you  faint-heart  Coward ! 

Honnyman.  Oh  dreadful  Racks !  When  will  this  Torment  end  ? 
Oh  for  a  Respite  from  all  Sense  of  Pain ! 
'Tis  come  —  I  go  —  You  can  —  no  more  torment  (dies. 

Philip.     He's  dead;   he'll  hunt  no  more;   h'  as  done  with 
Game.  (striking  the  dead  Body,  and  spitting  in  the  Fate. 

Ponteach.    Drive  hence  his  wretched  Spirit,  lest  it  plague  us; 
Let  him  go  hunt  the  Woods;  he's  now  disarm'd. 

( They  run  round  brushing  the  Walls,  &c.  to  dislodge  the  Spirit. 

All.    Out,  Hunters,  out,  your  Business  here  is  done. — 
Out  to  the  Wilds,  but  do  not  take  your  Gun. 

Pont  each,  (to  the  Spirit) 

Go,  tell  our  Countrymen,  whose  Blood  you  shed, 
That  the  great  Hunter  Honnyman  is  dead: 
That  we're  alive,  we'll  make  the  English  know, 
Whene'er  they  dare  to  serve  us  Indians  so : 
This  will  be  joyful  News  to  Friends  from  France, 
We'll  join  the  Chorus  then,  and  have  a  Dance. 

(Exeunt  omnes,  dancing,  and  singing  the  two  last  Lines. 

End  of  the  Fourth  ACT. 


242 


ACT  V. 

SCENE  I. —  The  Border  of  a  Grove,  in  which 
Monelia  and  Torax  are  asleep. 

Enter  Philip,  speaking  to  himself. 

As  a  dark  Tempest  brewing  in  the  Air, 
For  many  Days  hides.  Sun  and  Moon,  and  Stars, 
At  length  grown  ripe,  bursts  forth  and  forms  a  Flood 
That  frights  both  Men  and  Beasts,  and  drowns  the  Land; 
So  my  dark  Purpose  now  must  have  its  Birth, 
Long  nourish'd  in  my  Bosom,  'tis  matur'd, 
And  ready  to  astonish  and  embroil 
Kings  and  their  Kingdoms,  and  decide  their  Fates. 
-Are-they^ notjiere ?    Have  I  delay'd  too  long? 

(he  espies  them  asleep. 

Yes,  in  a  Posture  too  beyond  my  Hopes, 
Asleep !    This  is  the  Providence  of  Fate, 
And  proves  she  patronizes  my  Design, 
And  I'll  shew  her  that  Philip  is  no  Coward. 

(taking  up  his  Hatchet  in  one  Hand,  and  Scalping  Knife  in 

the  other ,  towards  them. 

A  Moment  now  is  more  than  Years  to  come: 
Intrepid  as  I  am,  the  Work  is  shocking. 

(he  retreats  from  them. 

Is  it  their  Innocence  that  shakes  my  Purpose? 
No;   I  can  tear  the  Suckling  from  the  Breast, 
And  drink  their  Blood  who  never  knew  a  Crime. 
Is  it  because  my  Brother's  Charmer  dies? 
That  cannot  be,  for  that  is  my  Revenge. 
Is  it  because  Monelia  is  a  woman  ? 
I've  long  been  blind  and  deaf  to  their  Enchantments. 
Is  it  because  I  take  them  thus  unguarded? 
No;  though  I  act  the  Coward,  it's  a  Secret. 
What  is  it  that  shakes  my  firm  and  fix'd  Resolve? 

243 


PONTEACH:   OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

'Tis  childish  Weakness:  I'll  not  be  unman'd. 

(approaches  and  retreats  again. 
There's  something  awful  in  the  Face  of  Princes, 
And  he  that  sheds  their  Blood,  assaults  the  Gods : 
But  I'm  a  Prince,  and  'tis  by  me  they  die; 

(advances  arm'd  as  before. 
Each  Hand  contains  the  Fate  of  future  Kings, 
And,  were  they  Gods,  I  would  not  balk  my  Purpose. 

(stabs  Monelia  with  the  Knife. 
Torax.    Hah,  Philip^  are  you  come?    What  can  you  mean  ? 

(Torax  starts  and  cries  out. 
Philip.    Go  learn  my  Meaning  in  the  World  of  Spirits; 

(knocks  him  down  with  his  Hatchet^  &c. 
'Tis  now  too  late  to  make  a  Question  of  it. 
The  Play  is  ended  (looking  upon  the  Bodies]  now  succeeds  the 

Farce. 
Hullo!   Help!   Haste!  the  Enemy  is  here. 

(calling  at  one  of  the  Doors,  and  returning. 
Help  is  at  Hand — But  I  must  first  be  wounded: 

(wounds  himself. 
Now  let  the  Gods  themselves  detect  the  Fraud. 

Enter  an  Indian. 

What  means  your  Cry?    Is  any  Mischief  here? 

Philip.    Behold  this  flowing  Blood ;  a  desperate  Wound  ! 

(shewing  his  Wound. 
And  there's  a  Deed  that  shakes  the  Root  of  Empires. 

(pointing  to  the  Bodies. 

2d  Ind.    O  fatal  Sight !  the  Mohawk  Prince  is  murder'd. 
jd  Ind.    The  Princess  too  is  weltering  in  her  Blood. 
Philip.    Both,  both  are  gone;  'tis  well  that  I  escap'd.     . 

Enter  Ponteach. 

What  means  this  Outcry,  Noise,  and  Tumult  here  ? 

Philip.    O  see,  my  Father !  see  the  Blood  of  Princes, 
A  Sight  that  might  provoke  the  Gods  to  weep, 
And  drown  the  Country  in  a  Flood  of  Tears. 
Great  was  my  Haste,  but  could  not  stop  the  Deed; 
I  rush'd  among  their  Numbers  for  Revenge, 
They  frighted  fled ;  there  I  receiv'd  this  Wound. 

(shewing  his  Wound  to  Ponteach. 

244 


PONTEACH  :    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

Ponteacb.    Who,  what  were  they?  or  where  did  they  escape? 

Philip.    A  Band  of  English  Warriors,  bloody  Dogs ! 
This  Way  they  ran  from  my  vindictive  Arm,        (pointing,  &c. 
Which  but  for  this  base  Wound  would  sure  have  stopp'd  them. 

Ponteach.    Pursue,  pursue,  with  utmost  Speed  pursue, 

(to  the  Warriors  present. 
Outfly  the  Wind  till  you  revenge  this  Blood ; 
'Tis  royal  Blood,  we  hold  it  as  our  own. 

(Exeunt  Warriors  in  haste. 
This  Scene  is  dark,  and  doubtful  the  Event; 
Some  great  Decree  of  Kate  depends  upon  it, 
And  mighty  Good  or  111  awaits  Mankind. 
The  Blood  of  Princes  cannot  flow  in  vain, 
Tht;  Gods  must  be  in  Council  to  permit  it: 
It  is  the  Harbinger  of  their  Designs, 
To  change,  new-mould,  and  alter  Things  on  Earth : 
And  much  I  fear,  'tis  ominous  of  111 
To  me  and  mine;  it  happen'd  in  my  Kingdom. 
Their  Father's  Rage  will  swell  into  a  Torrent  — 
They  were  my  Guests  —  His  Wrath  will  Centre  here; 
Our  guilty  Land  hath  drunk  his  Children's  Blood. 

Philip.    Had  I  not  seen  the  flying  Murderers, 
Myself  been  wounded  to  revenge  their  Crime, 
Had  you  not  hasten'd  to  pursue  the  Assassins, 
He  might  have  thought  us  treacherous  and  false, 
Or  wanting  in  our  hospitable  Care : 
But  now  it  cannot  but  engage  his  Friendship, 
Rouse  him  to  Arms,  and  with  a  Father's  Rage 
He'll  point  his  Vengeance  where  it  ought  to  fall; 
And  thus  this  Deed,  though  vile  and  dark  as  Night, 
In  its  Events  will  open  Day  upon  us, 
And  prove  of  great  Advantage  to  our  State. 

Ponteach.    Haste  then  ;  declare  our  Innocence  and  Grief; 
Tell  the  old  King  we  mourn  as  for  our  own, 
And  are  determin'd  to  revenge  his  Wrongs; 
Assure  him  that  our  Enemies  are  his, 
And  rouse  him  like  a  Tyger  to  the  Prey. 

Philip.    I  will  with  Speed ;  but  first  this  bleeding  Wound 
Demands  my  Care,  lest  you  lament  me  too. 

(Exit,  to  have  his  Wound  dress'd. 


245 


PONTEACH :   OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

Ponteacb,  solus. 
Pale  breathless  Youths  !    Your  Dignity  still  lives : 

(viewing  the  Bodies. 

Your  Murderers  were  blind,  or  they'd  have  trembled, 
Nor  dar'd  to  wound  such  Majesty  and  Worth; 
Jt  would  have  tam'd  the  savage  running  Bear, 
And  made  the  raging  Tyger  fondly  fawn; 
But  your  more  savage  Murderers  were  Christians. 
Oh  the  distress'd  good  King !    I  feel  for  him, 
And  wish  to  comfort  his  desponding  Heart; 
But  your  last  Rites  require  my  present  Care.  .     (Exit. 


SCENE   II. —  The  Senate-House. 
Ponteach,  Tenesco,  and  others. 

Pont  each. 

Let  all  be  worthy  of  the  royal  Dead ; 
Spare  no  Expence  to  grace  th'  unhappy  Scene, 
And  aggrandize  the  solemn  gloomy  Pomp 
With  all  our  mournful  melancholy  Rites. 

Tenesco.    It  shall  be  done;  all  Things  are  now  preparing. 

Pont  each.    Never  were  Funeral  Rites  bestow'd  more  just; 
Who  knew  them  living,  must  lament  them  dead; 
Who  sees  them  dead,  must  wish  to  grace  their  Tombs 
With  all  the  sad  Respect  of  Grief  and  Tears. 

Tenesco.    The  Mourning  is  as  general  as  the  News; 
Grief  sits  on  every  Face,  in  every  Eye, 
And  gloomy  Melancholy  in  Silence  reigns: 
Nothing  is  heard  but  Sighs  and  sad  Complaints, 
As  if  the  First-born  of  the  Realm  were  slain. 

Ponteacb.    Thus  would  1  have  it;  let  no  Eye  be  dry, 
No  Heart  unmov'd,  let  every  Bosom  swell 
With  Sighs  and  Groans.    What  Shouting  do  I  hear? 

(a  Shouting  without,  repeated  several  Times. 

Tenesco.    It  is  the  Shout  of  Warriors  from  the  Battle; 
The  Sound  of  Victory  and  great  Success. 

(he  goes  to  listen  to  it. 

Ponteacb.    Such  is  the  State  of  Men  and  human  Things; 
We  weep,  we  smile,  we  mourn,  and  laugh  thro'  Life, 

246 


PONTEACH  :    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

Here  falls  a  Blessing,  there  alights  a  Curse, 
As  the  good  Genius  or  the  evil  reigns. 
It's  right  it  should  be  so.    Should  either  conquer, 
The  World  would  cease,  and  Mankind  be  undone 
By  constant  Frowns  or  Flatteries  from  Fate; 
This  constant  Mixture  makes  the  Potion  safe, 
And  keeps  the  sickly  Mind  of  Man  in  health. 

Enter  Chekitan. 

It  is  my  Son.    What  has  been  your  Success? 

Chekitan.   We've  fought  the  Enemy,  broke  thro*  their  Ranks, 
Slain  many  on  the  Spot,  pursu'd  the  rest 
Till  Night  conceal'd  and  sav'd  them  from  our  Arms. 

Ponteacb.    'Tis  bravely  done,  and  shall  be  duely  honor'd 
With  all  the  Signs  and  Marks  of  public  Joy. 

Chekitan.    What  means  this  Gloom  I  see  in  every  Face? 
These  smother'd  Groans  and  stifled  half-drawn  Sighs ; 
Does  it  offend  that  I've  return'd  in  Triumph? 

Ponteach.    I  fear  to  name  —  And  yet  it  must  be  known. 

(aside. 

Be  not  alarm'd,  my  Son,  the  Laws  of  Fate 
Must  be  obey'd:  She  will  not  hear  our  Dictates. 
I'm  not  a  Stranger  to  your  youthful  Passion, 
And  fear  the  Disapointment  will  confound  you. 

Chekitan.    Has  he  not  sped?    Has  111  befel  my  Brother? 

Ponteach.    Yes,  he  is  wounded  but  —  Monelia's  slain, 
And  Torax  both.    Slain  by  the  cowardly  English^ 
Who  'scap'd  your  Brother's  wounded  threatning  Arm, 
But  are  pursued  by  such  as  will  revenge  it  — 

Chekitan.    Oh  wretched,  wretched,  wretched  Chekitan  I 

(aside. 

Ponteach.    I  know  your're  shock'd — The  Scene  hath  shock'd 

us  all, 

And  what  we  could,  we've  done  to  wipe  the  Stain 
From  us,  our  Family,  our  Land  and  State ; 
And  now  prepare  due  Honours  for  the  Dead, 
With  all  the  solemn  Pomp  of  public  Grief, 
To  shew  Respect  as  if  they  were  our  own. 

Chekitan.    Is  this  my  Triumph  after  Victory  ? 
A  solemn  dreadful  pompous  Shew : 
Why  have  I  scap'd  their  Swords  and  liv'd  to  see  it  ?          (aside. 

H7 


PONTEACH:   OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

Montlia  dead!  aught  else  I  cou'd  have  borne: 
I'm  stupify'd:   I  can't  believe  it  true; 
Shew  me  the  Dead ;  1  will  believe  my  Eyes, 
But  cannot  mourn  or  drop  a  Tear  till  then. 

Tenesco.    I  will  conduct  you  to  them  —  Follow  me  — 

(Exeunt  Tenesco  and  Chekitan. 

Ponteacb.    This  is  a  sad  Reception  from  a  Conquest, 
And  puts  an  awful  Gloom  upon  our  Joy ; 
I  fear  his  Grief  will  over-top  his  Reason; 
A  Lover  weeps  with  more  than  common  Pain. 
Nor  flows  his  greatest  Sorrow  at  his  Eyes : 
His  Grief  is  inward,  and  his  Heart  sheds  Tears, 
And  in  his  Soul  he  feels  the  pointed  Woe, 
When  he  beholds  the  lovely  Object  lost. 
The  deep-felt  Wound  admits  no  sudden  Cure; 
The  festering  Humor  will  not  be  dispers'd, 
It  gathers  on  the  Mind,  and  Time  alone, 
That  buries  all  Things,  puts  an  End  to  this. 

(Exeunt  omnes. 


SCENE  III. —  The  Grove,  with  the  dead  Bodies; 
Tenesco  pointing  Chekitan  to  them. 

Tenesco. 

There  lie  the  Bodies,  Prince,  a  wretched  Sight! 
Breathless  and  pale. 

Cbekitan.    A  wretched  Sight  indeed ;       (going  towards  them. 
O  my  Monelia ;  has  thy  Spirit  fled  ? 
Art  thou  no  more?  a  bloody  breathless  Corpse! 
Am  I  return'd  full  flush'd  with  Hopes  of  Joy, 
With  all  the  Honours  Victory  can  give, 
To  see  thee  thus?    Is  this,  is  this  my  Welcome? 
Is  this  our  Wedding?    Wilt  thou  not  return? 
O  charming  Princess,  art  thou  gone  for  ever  ? 
Is  this  the  fatal  Period  of  our  Love? 

0  !  had  I  never  seen  thy  Beauty  bloom, 

1  had  not  now  been  griev'd  to  see  it  pale : 
Had  I  not  known  such  Excellence  had  liv'd, 
I  shou'd  not  now  be  curs'd  to  see  it  dead : 


PONTEACH :   OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

Had  not  my  Heart  been  melted  by  thy  Charms, 
It  would  not  now  have  bled  to  see  them  lost. 

0  wherefore,  wherefore,  wherefore  do  I  live : 
Monelia  is  not  —  What's  the  World  to  me? 
All  dark  and  gloomy,  horrid,  waste,  and  void: 
The  Light  of  the  Creation  is  put  out !  — 
The  Blessings  of  the  Gods  are  all  withdrawn ! 
Nothing  remains  but  Wretchedness  and  Woe;  - 
Monelia  s  gone :  Monelia  is  no  more. 

The  Heavens  are  veil'd  because  she  don't  behold  them; 

The  Earth  is  curs'd,  for  it  hath  drunk  her  Blood ; 

The  Air  is  Poison,  for  she  breathes  no  more : 

Why  fell  I  not  by  the  base  Briton  s  Sword  ? 

Why  press'd  I  not  upon  the  fatal  Point? 

Then  had  I  never  seen  this  worse  than  Death, 

But  dying  said,  'tis  well  —  Monelia  lives. 

Tenesco.    Comfort,  my  Prince,  nor  let  your  Passion  swell 
To  such  a  Torrent,  it  o'erwhelms  your  Reason, 
And  preys  upon  the  Vitals  of  your  Soul. 
You  do  but  feed  the  Viper  by  this  View; 
Retire,  and  drive  the  Image  from  your  Thought, 
And  Time  will  soon  replace  you  every  Joy. 

Chekitan.    O  my  Tenesco^  had  you  ever  felt 
The  gilded  Sweets,  or  pointed  Pains  of  Love, 
You'd  not  attempt  to  sooth  a  Grief  like  mine. 
Why  did  you  point  me  to  the  painful  Sight? 
Why  have  you  shewn  this  Shipwreck  of  my  Hopes, 
And  plac'd  me  in  this  beating  Storm  of  Woe. 
Why  was  I  told  of  rny  Monelia' s  Fate? 
Why  wa'n't  the  wretched  Ruin  all  conceal'd 
Under  some  fair  Pretence  —  That  she  had  fled  — 
Was  made  a  Captive,  or  had  chang'd  her  Love  — 
Why  wa'n't  I  left  to  guess  her  wretched  End  ? 
Or  have  some  slender  Hope  that  she  still  liv'd? 
You've  all  been  cruel;  she  died  to  torment  me; 
To  raise  my  Pain,  and  blot  out  every  Joy. — 

I'enesco.    I  fear'd  as  much :  His  Passion  makes  him  wild— 

(aside. 

1  wish  it  may  not  end  in  perfect  Phrensy. 

Chekitan.    Who  were  the  Murderers?    Where  did  they  fly? 
Where  was  my  Brother,  not  to  take  Revenge? 

249 


PONTEACH :    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

Shew  me  their  Tracks,  I'll  trace  them  round  the  Globe: 
I'll  fly  like  lightning,  ravage  the  whole  Earth  — 
Kill  every  thing  I  meet,  or  hear,  or  see. 
Depopulate  the  World  of  Men  and  Beasts, 
Tis  all  too  little  for  that  single  Death. 

(pointing  to  Monelia's  corpse. 
I'll  tear  the  Earth  that  dar'd  to  drink  her  Blood; 
Kill  Trees,  and  Plants,  and  every  springing  Flower : 
Nothing  shall  grow,  nothing  shall  be  alive, 
Nothing  shall  move;   I'll  try  to  stop  the  Sun, 
And  make  all  dark  and  barren,  dead  and  sad; 
From  his  tall  Sphere  down  to  the  lowest  Centre, 
There  I'll  descend,  and  hide  my  wretched  Self, 
And  reign  sole  Monarch  in  a  World  of  Ruin. 

Tenesco.    This  is  deep  Madness,  it  hath  seiz'd  his  Brain. 

(aside. 
Chekitan.    But  first  I'll  snatch  a  parting  last  Embrace. 

(be  touches  and  goes  to  embrace  the  Corpse. 
Thou  dear  cold  Clay!  forgive  the  daring  Touch; 
It  is  thy  Chekitan^  thy  wounded  Lover. 
'Tis ;  and  he  hastens  to  revenge  thy  Death. 

(To rax  groans  and  attempts  to  speak. 
Torax.    Oh,  oh,  I  did  not— Philip— Philip  — Oh. 

(Chekitan  starts. 

Chekitan.   What — did  I  not  hear  a  Groan?  and  Philip  call'd? 
Tenesco.    It  was,  it  was,  and  there  is  Motion  too. 

(approaches  Torax,  who  groans  and  speaks  again. 
Torax.  Oh!  Oh!  Oh!  Oh!  Oh!  Philip  —  help.  Oh!  Oh! 
Tenesco.  He  is  alive  —  We'll  raise  him  from  the  Ground. 

(they  lift  him  up  and  speak  to  him. 
Torie,  are  you  alive  ?  or  are  our  Ears  deceiv'd  ? 
Torax.    Oh  Philip,  do  not  —  do  not  —  be  so  cruel. 
Cbekitan.    He  is  bewilder'd,  and  not  yet  himself. 
Pour  this  into  his  Lips  —  it  will  revive  him. 

(they  give  him  something. 
Tenesco.    This  is  a  Joy  unhop'd  for  in  Distress. 

(Torax  revives  more. 

Torax.    Oh!  Philip,  Philip!  —  Where  is  Philip  gone? 
Tenesco.    The  Murderers  are  pursued —  He  will  go  soon. 
And  now  can  carry  Tidings  of  your  Life. 

Torax.    He  carry  Tidings !  he's  the  Murderer. 

250 


PONTEACH :    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

Tenesco.    He  is  not  murder'd;  he  was  slightly  wounded, 
And  hastens  now  to  see  the  King  your  Father. 

'Tor ax.    He  is  a  false,  a  barbarous  bloody  Man, 
A  Murderer,  a  base  disguis'd  Assassin. 

Chekitan.    He  still  is  maz'd,  and  knows  not  whom  he's  with. 

Torax.    Yes,  you  are  Chekitan,  and  that's  Monelia, 

(pointing  to  the  Corpse. 
This  is  Tenesco —  Philip  stabb'd  my  Sister, 
And  struck  at  me;  here  was  the  stunning  Blow: 

(pointing  to  his  Head. 
He  took  us  sleeping  in  this  silent  Grove; 
There  by  Appointment  from  himself  we  waited. 
I  saw  him  draw  the  bloody  Knife  from  her, 
And,  starting,  ask'd  him,  Why,  or  what  he  meant? 
He  answered  with  the  Hatchet  on  my  Skull, 
And  doubtless  thought  me  dead  and  bound  in  Silence. 
I  am  myself,  and  what  I  say  is  Fact. 

Tenesco.    The  English  'twas  beset  you ;  Philip  ran 
For  your  Assistance,  and  himself  is  wounded. 

Tor  ax.    He  may  be  wounded,  but  he  wounded  me; 
No  Englishman  was  there,  he  was  alone. 
I  dare  confront  him  with  his  Villainy : 
Depend  upon't,  he's  treacherous,  false,  and  bloody. 

Chekitan.    May  we  believe,  or  is  this  all  a  Dream? 
Are  we  awake?    Is  Tor  ax  yet  alive? 
Or  is  it  Juggling,  Fascination  all  ? 

'Tenesco.    'Tis  most  surprising !   What  to  judge  I  know  not. 
I'll  lead  him  hence;  perhaps  he's  still  confus'd. 

Torax.    I  gladly  will  go  hence  for  some  Relief, 
But  shall  not  change,  from  what  I've  now  aver'd. 

Tenesco.   Then  this  sad  Storm  of  Ruin's  but  begun,      (aside. 
Philip  must  fly,  or  next  it  lights  on  him. 

(Exeunt  Tenesco  and  Torax  led  by  him. 

Chekitan.    And  can  this  be  —  Can  Philip  be  so  false? 
Dwells  there  such  Baseness  in  a  Brother's  Heart? 
So  much  Dissimulation  in  the  Earth? 
Is  there  such  Perfidy  among  Mankind? 
It  shocks  my  Faith — But  yet  it  must  be  so  — 
Yes,  it  was  he,  Monelia,  shed  thy  Blood. 
This  made  him  forward  to  commence  our  Friend, 
And  with  unusual  Warmth  engage  to  help  us; 

251 


PONTEACH :    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

It  was  for  this  so  chearful  he  resign'd 

To  me  the  Honour  of  Command  in  War; 

The  English  Troops  would  never  come  so  near ; 

The  Wounds  were  not  inflicted  by  their  Arms. 

All,  all  confirms  the  Guilt  on  Philip's  Head, 

You  died,  Moneliat  by  my  Brother's  Hand; 

A  Brother  too  intrusted  with  our  Love. 

I'm  stupify'd  and  senseless  at  the  Thought; 

My  Head,  my  very  Heart  is  petrify'd. 

This  adds  a  Mountain  to  my  Weight  of  Woe. 

It  now  is  swell'd  too  high  to  be  lamented; 

Complaints,  and  Sighs,  and  Tears  are  thrown  away. 

Revenge  is  all  the  Remedy  that's  left; 

But  what  Revenge  is  equal  to  the  Crime? 

His  life  for  her's !    An  Atom  for  the  Earth  — 

A  single  Fly  —  a  Mite  for  the  Creation: 

Turn  where  I  will  I  find  myself  confounded : 

But  I  must  seek  and  study  out  new  Means. 

Help  me,  ye  Powers  of  Vengeance  !  grant  your  Aid, 

Ye  that  delight  in  Blood,  and  Death,  and  Pain ! 

Teach  me  the  Arts  of  Cruelty  and  Wrath, 

Till  I  have  Vengeance  equal  to  my  Love, 

And  my  Munelias  Shade  is  satisfied.  (Exit. 


SCENE   IV. 

Philip,  solus. 

His  Grief  no  Doubt  will  rise  into  a  Rage, 
To  see  his  Charmer  rolling  in  her  Blood, 
I  chuse  to  see  him  not  till  my  Return ; 
By  then  the  Fierceness  of  the  Flame  may  cease; 
Nay,  he'll  grow  cool,  and  quite  forget  his  Love, 
When  I  report  her  Father's  kindled  Wrath, 
And  all  the  Vengeance  he  intends  to  take. 

(Chekitan  comes  in  sight. 
But  this  he,  I  cannot  now  avoid  him; 
How  shall  I  sooth  his  Grief — He  looks  distracted  — 
I'm  such  a  Stranger  grown  to  Tears  and  Pity, 
I  fear  he  will  not  think  I  sympathize. 

252 


PONTEACH :   OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 


Enter  Chckitan. 

Cbekitan.      Have  I   then  found  thee,  thou  false  hearted 

Traitor  ? 

Thou  Tyger,  Viper,  Snake,  thou  worse  than  Christian; 
Blood  thirsty  Butcher,  more  than  Murderer! 
Thou  every  Thing  but  what  Men  ought  to  love ! 
Do  you  still  live  to  breathe  and  see  the  Sun  ? 
And  face  me  with  your  savage  guilty  Eye  ? 

Philip.    I  fear'd,  alas,  you  would  run  mad  and  rave. 
Why  do  you  blame  me  that  I  am  not  dead? 
I  risk'd  my  Life,  was  wounded  for  your  Sake, 
Did  all  I  could  for  your  Monelias  Safety, 
And  to  revenge  you  on  her  Murderers. 
Your  Grief  distracts  you,  or  you'd  thank  me  for  't. 

Cbekitan.    Would  you  still  tempt  my  Rage,  and  fire  my  Soul, 
Already  bent  to  spill  your  treacherous  Blood? 
You  base  Dissembler !  know  you  are  detected, 
T'orax  still  lives,  and  has  discover'd  all. 

(Philip  starfs  and  trembles. 

Philip.    Torax  alive  !  —  It  cannot  —  must  not  be  (aside. 

Cbekitan.    Well  may  you  shake  —  You  cannot  mend  your 

Blow. 

He  lived  to  see,  what  none  but  you  could  think  of, 
The  bloody  Knife  drawn  from  Monelia's  Breast. 
Had  you  a  thousand  Lives,  they'd  be  too  few; 
Had  you  a  Sea  of  Blood,  'twould  be  too  small 
To  wash  away  your  deep-dy'd  Stain  of  Guilt. 
Now  you  shall  die;  and  O  if  there  be  Powers 
That  after  Death  take  Vengeance  on  such  Crimes, 
May  they  pursue  you  with  their  Flames  of  Wrath, 
Till  all  their  Magazines  of  Pain  are  spent. 

(be  attacks  Philip  with  bis  Hatchet. 

Philip.    I  must  defend  myself  (drawing  bis  Hatchet)  the  Case 
is  desperate.  (Fight  st  Philip  falls. 

Fate  is  too  hard;  and  I'm  oblig'd  to  yield. 
'Twas  well  begun  —  but  has  a  wretched  End  — 
Yet  I'm  reveng'd  —  She  cannot  live  again. 
You  cannot  boast  to've  shed  more  Blood  than  I  — 
Oh  had  I  —  had  I — struck  but  one  Blow  more!  (dies. 

Cbekitan.    What  have  I  done !  this  is  my  Brother's  Blood ! 

253 


PONTEACH :    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

A  guilty  Murderer's  Blood!    He  was  no  Brother. 

All  Nature's  Laws  and  Ties  are  hence  dissolv'd; 

There  is  no  Kindred,  Friendship,  Faith,  or  Love 

Among  Mankind  —  Monelia's  dead  —  The  World 

Is  all  unhing'd  —  There's  universal  War  — 

She  was  the  Tie,  the  Centre  of  the  Whole ; 

And  she  remov'd,  all  is  one  general  Jar. 

Where  next,  Monelia,  shall  I  bend  my  Arm 

To  heal  this  Discord,  this  Disorder  still, 

And  bring  the  Chaos  Universe  to  Form? 

Blood  still  must  flow  and  float  the  scatter'd  Limbs 

Till  thy  much  injur'd  love  in  Peace  subsides. 

Then  every  jarring  Discord  once  will  cease, 

And  a  new  World  from  these  rude  Ruins  rise.  (pauses. 

Here  then  I  point  the  Edge,  from  hence  shall  flow 

(pointing  his  knife  to  bis  Heart. 
The  raging  crimson  Flood,  this  is  the  Fountain 
Whose  swift  Day's  Stream  shall  waft  me  to  thy  Arms, 
Lest  Philip's  Ghost  should  injure  thy  Repose.      (stabs  himself. 
I  come,  I  come,  Mone/ia>  now  1  come  — 
Philip  —  away  —  She's  mine  in  spite  of  Death.  (dies. 

Enter  Tenesco. 

Oh  !   I'm  too  late,  the  fatal  Work  is  done. 

Unhappy  Princes;  this  your  wretched  End; 

Your  Country's  Hopes  and  your  fond  Father's  Joy; 

Are  you  no  more?    Slain  by  each  other's  Hands, 

Or  what  is  worse;  or  by  the  Air  you  breath'd? 

For  all  is  Murder,  Death,  and  Blood  about  us: 

Nothing  safe;  it  is  contagious  all: 

The  Earth,  and  Air,  and  Skies  are  full  of  Treason ! 

The  Evil  Genius  rules  the  Universe, 

And  on  Mankind  rains  Tempests  of  Destruction. 

Where  will  the  Slaughter  of  the  Species  end? 

When  it  begins  with  Kings  and  with  their  Sons, 

A  general  Ruin  threatens  all  below. 

How  will  the  good  King  hear  the  sad  Report. 

I  fear  th'  Event;  but  as  it  can't  be  hid, 

I'll  bear  it  to  him  in  the  softest  Terms, 

And  summon  every  Power  to  sooth  his  Grief, 

And  slack  the  Torrent  of  his  royal  Passion.  (Exit. 


PONTEACH :   OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 


SCENE  V. —  Senate-House. 

Ponteacb,  solus. 

The  Torrent  rises,  and  the  Tempest  blows ; 
Where  will  this  rough  rude  Storm  of  Ruin  end  ? 
What  crimson  Floods  are  yet  to  drench  the  Earth? 
What  new-form'd  Mischiefs  hover  in  the  Air, 
And  point  their  Stings  at  this  devoted  Head? 
Has  Fate  exhausted  all  her  Stores  of  Wrath, 
Or  has  she  other  Vengeance  in  Reserve? 
What  can  she  more  ?    My  Sons,  my  Name  is  gone ; 
My  Hopes  all  blasted,  my  Delights  all  fled; 
Nothing  remains  but  an  afflicted  King, 
That  might  be  pitied  by  Earth's  greatest  Wretch. 
My  Friends;  my  Sons,  ignobly,  basely  slain, 
Are  more  than  murder'd,  more  than  lost  by  Death. 
Had  they  died  fighting  in  their  Country's  Cause, 
I  should  have  smil'd  and  gloried  in  their  Fall; 
Yes,  boasting  that  I  had  such  Sons  to  lose, 
I  would  have  rode  in  Triumph  o'er  their  Tombs. 
But  thus  to  die,  the  Martyrs  of  their  Folly, 
Involv'd  in  all  the  complicated  Guilt 
Of  Treason,  Murder,  Falshood,  and  Deceit, 
Unbridled  Passion,  Cowardice,  Revenge, 
And  every  Thing  that  can  debase  the  Man, 
And  render  him  the  just  Contempt  of  all, 
And  fix  the  foulest  Stain  of  Infamy, 
Beyond  the  Power  of  Time  to  blot  it  out; 
This  is  too  much ;  and  my  griev'd  Spirit  sinks 
Beneath  the  Weight  of  such  gigantic  Woe. 
Ye  that  would  see  a  piteous  wretched  King, 
Look  on  a  Father  griev'd  and  curs'd  like  me; 
Look  on  a  King  whose  Sons  have  died  like  mine ! 
Then  you'll  confess  that  these  are  dangerous  Names, 
And  put  it  in  the  Power  of  Fate  to  curse  us ; 
It  is  on  such  she  shews  her  highest  Spite. 
But  I'm  too  far  —  'Tis  not  a  Time  to  grieve 
For  private  Losses,  when  the  Public  calls. 

Enter  Tenesco,  looking  sorrowful. 
What  are  your  Tidings?  —  I  have  no  more  Sons. 

255 


PONTEACH :   OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

Ttncsco.    But  you  have  Subjects,  and  regard  their  Safety. 
The  treacherous  Priest,  intrusted  with  your  Councils, 
Has  publish'd  all,  and  added  his  own  Falshoods; 
The  Chiefs  have  all  revolted  from  your  Cause, 
Patch'd  up  a  Peace,  and  lend  their  Help  no  more. 

Pont  each.    And  is  this  all  ?  we  must  defend  ourselves, 
Supply  the  place  of  Numbers  with  our  Courage, 
And  learn  to  conquer  with  our  very  Looks : 
This  is  a  Time  that  tries  the  Truth  of  Valour; 
He  shews  his  Courage  that  dares  stem  the  Storm, 
And  live  in  spite  of  Violence  and  Fate. 
Shall  holy  Perfidy  and  seeming  Lyes    . 
Destroy  our  Purpose,  sink  us  into  Cowards? 

Tenesco.    May  your  Hopes  prosper!    I'll  excite  the  Troops 
By  your  Example  still  to  keep  the  Field.  Exit. 

Ponteacb.    'Tis  coming  on.   Thus  Wave  succeeds  to  Wave, 
Till  the  Storm's  spent,  then  all  subsides  again  — 
The  Chiefs  revolted: — My  Design  betray'd:  — 
May  he  that  trusts  a  Christian  meet  the  same! 
They  have  no  Faith,  no  Honesty,  no  God, 
And  cannot  merit  Confidence  from  Men. 
Were  I  alone  the  boist'rous  Tempest's  Sport, 
I'd  quickly  move  my  shatter'd  trembling  Bark, 
And  follow  my  departed  Sons  to  Rest. 
But  my  brave  Countrymen,  my  Friends,  my  Subjects, 
Demand  my  Care;   I'll  not  desert  the  Helm, 
Nor  leave  a  dang'rous  station  in  Distress; 
Yes,  I  will  live,  in  spite  of  Fate  I'll  live; 
Was  I  not  Ponteach,  was  I  not  a  King, 
Such  Giant  Mischiefs  would  not  gather  round  me. 
And  since  I'm  Ponteacb,  since  I  am  a  King, 
I'll  shew  myself  Superior  to  them  all; 
I'll  rise  above  this  Hurricane  of  Fate, 
And  shew  my  Courage  to  the  Gods  themselves. 

Enter  Tenesco,  surprised  and  pausing. 

I  am  prepar'd,  be  not  afraid  to  tell ; 

You  cannot  speak  what  Ponteacb  dare  not  hear. 

Tenesco.    Our  bravest  Troops  are  slain,  the  rest  pursu'd ; 
All  is  Disorder,  Tumult,  and  Rebellion. 
Those  that  remain  insist  on  speedy  Flight; 

256 


PONTEACH:    OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 

You  must  attend  them,  or  be  left  alone 

Unto  the  Fury  of  a  conquering  Foe, 

Nor  will  they  long  expect  your  royal  Pleasure. 

Ponteacb.    Will  they  desert  their  King  in  such  an  Hour, 
When  Pity  might  induce  them  to  protect  him  ? 
Kings  like  the  Gods  are  valued  and  ador'd, 
When  Men  expect  their  Bounties  in  Return, 
Place  them  in  Want,  destroy  the  giving  Power, 
All  Sacrifices  and  Regards  will  cease. 
Go,  tell  my  Friends  that  I'll  attend  their  Call. 

(rising.    Exit  Tenesco. 

I  will  not  fear  —  but  must  obey  my  Stars:  (looking  round. 

Ye  fertile  Fields  and  glad'ning  Streams  adieu ; 
Ye  Fountains  that  have  quench'd  my  scorching  Thirst, 
Ye  Shades  that  hid  the  Sun-beams  from  my  Head, 
Ye  Groves  and  Hills  that  yielded  me  the  Chace, 
Ye  flow'ry  Meads,  and  Banks,  and  bending  Trees, 
And  thou  proud  Earth,  made  drunk  with  Royal  Blood, 
I  am  no  more  your  Owner  and  your  King. 
But  witness  for  me  to  your  new  base  Lords, 
That  my  unconquer'd  Mind  defies  them  still; 
And  though  I  fly,  'tis  on  the  Wings  of  Hope. 
Yes,  I  will  hence  where  there's  no  British  Foe, 
And  wait  a  Respite  from  this  Storm  of  Woe ; 
Beget  more  Sons,  fresh  Troops  collect  and  arm, 
And  other  Schemes  of  future  Greatness  form ; 
Britons  may  boast,  the  Gods  may  have  their  Will, 
Ponteacb  I  am,  and  shall  be  Pont  each  still.1  (Exit, 


FINIS. 


1  The  most  severe  blow  to  Pontiac's  hopes  was,  of  course,  chc  successful  de 
fence  of  Detroit  and  Fr-t  Pitt.  His  hopes  were  finally  crushed  by  the  receipt  of 
a  letter  from  M.  Neyon,  the  French  commander  at  Fort  des  Chartres,  td vising 
him  to  desist  from  further  warfare,  as  peace  had  been  concluded  between  France 
and  Great  Britain.  However,  unwilling  to  abandon  entirely  his  project,  he  made 
an  attempt  to  incite  the  tr  %s  along  the  Mississippi  to  join  in  another  effort. 
Being  unsuccessful  in  this  actempt,  he  finally  made  peace  at  Detroit,  August  17, 
1765.  In  1769  he  attended  a  drinking  carousal  at  Cahokia,  Illinois,  where  he 
was  murdered  by  a  Kaskaskia  Indian.  Handbook  of  American  Indians, 

257 


INDEX 


Abercrombie,  General, 

appoints  R.  major,  51 

at  Fort  Edward,  53 

thanks  R.,  56 

defeat  at  Ticonderoga,  61 
African  service  of  R.,  156 
Allds,  William,  79 
Amherst,  Sir  Jeffrey, 

at  Ticonderoga,  65 

St.  Francis  expedition,  66 

disappoints  R.,  68 

captures  Montreal,  69 

praises  R.,  70 

Cherokee  expedition,  76 

fulfills  promise  to  R.,  77 
Blanchard's  rangers,  39,  42,  43,  45 
Bloody  Run,  Battle  of,  88 
Bougainville,  61 
Browne,  Rev.  Arthur,  73,  80 
Browne,  Elizabeth,  see  Rogers,  Eliza 
beth 
Carver,  Jonathan,  I  20  et  stj. 

Travels,  \  ^  3 

Chippewa-Sioux  peace,  128 
Claus,  Daniel,  in,  118,  143 
Cohase  Meadows,  44 
Concise  Account  of  North  America,  96, 

98,  100 

Counterfeiting,  R.  accused  of,  40 
Crown  Point, 

expedition  against,  40—50,  65 

R.  at,  60 

capture,  66 
Dalyell,  Capt.  James, 

enlists  with  R.,  51 

at  Lake  Champlain,  64—5 

at  Detroit,  83,  86,  88-9 

death,  90 
Declaration  of  Independence,  164 


Detroit,  70,  86-9 

Indian  rising  at,  81-3 
Fonda,  Gysbert,  93 
Fort  Edward,  45,  5  a,  56,  64 

Fort  Loudon,  77 

Fort  Prince  George,  77 

Fort  Wentworth,  44 

Fort  William  Henry,  46,  49 

Frye,  Major  Joseph,  40,  42 

Gage,  General  Thomas 

appoints  R.,  103 

instructions  to  R.,  108 

removes  R.,  139 

attempted  reconciliation,  I  56 

on  R.,  104 
Goddard,  143 
Groesbeck,  Stephen,  136 
Haverhill,  see  Methuen 
Haviland,  Colonel,  58 
Howe,  Lord,  165,  et  seq. 
Indians, 

conference  at  Mackinac,  1 28 

conference  at  Oswcgo,  1 1 1 

R.'s  opinion  of,  98 

trade,  106  et  seq. 

Abenaki,  66 

Algonquin,  8 1 

Cherokee,  76-7 

Chippewa-Sioux  peace,  128 

Delaware,  91 

Mohawk,  91 

Ottawa,  see  Pontiac 

Pennacook,  66 

St.  Francis,  66 

Stockbridge,  50 
Isle  aux  Noix,  70 
Johnson,  Sir  William, 

Crown  Point  campaign,  43—5 

recognizes  R.,  46-7 


PONTEACH :   OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 


Johnson,  Sir  Willitm,  (tontinueJ) 
reprimands  R.,  92 
Indian  trade,  105-9 
instructions  to  R.,  108,  116 
Oswego  conference,  1 1 1 
sends  Roberts  to  Mackinac,  1 26 
suspects  R.,  130 
recommends  Roberts,  i  50 
on  R.,  104,  105,  107 
Journals,  48,  59,  96-7,  loo,  107 
Lake  Champlain,  49,  60,  61,  64 
Lake  George, 

campaigns,  45,  46,  62,  65 
land  at,  refused  R.,  80 
Lake  Mcmphremagog,  68 
London,  94,  146,  149,  171 
Long  Island,  Battle  of,  166 
Mackinac,  R.  at,   115  et  seq. 
Mamaroneck,  R.  defeated  at,  1 66 
Massachusetts  General  Court,  72 
Merrimac,  34 
Methuen,  i  8  et  seq. 
Michilimackinac,  see  Mackinac 
M-mongahela,  Valley  of,  30 
Montreal,  65,  69-70 

traders  support  R.,  1 1 8 
New  Hampshire  Assembly,  72,  79 
New  Hampshire  regiment  raised,  42 
New  York,  grant  to  R.,  47 
Northwest  passage,  102  et  seq.t  120 

et  seq. 

second  proposal,  154 
Oswego,  conference  at,  in 
Ponteacbt  101 
Pontiac, 

meets  R.,  70,  84 
rebellion,  81 
defeats  Dalycll,  89 
submission,  i  i  5 
character,  86 
Portsmouth,  73,  79,   158 
Potter, 

at  Mackinac,  1 1  5 
quarrel  with  R.,  134 
accuses  R.,  135,  136,  139 
Presqu'  Isle,  70,  87 
Pudney,  Joseph,  23,  29 
Putnam,  Israel,  51,  64 
Quebec,  169 


Readsboro,  Vermont^  93 
Revolution,  1 56  et  seq. 
Roberts,  Benjamin, 

Oswego  conference,  1 1 1 

first  quarrel  with  R.,  113 

at  Niagara,  116 

sent  to  Mackinac,  126,  130 

reports  R.'s  misconduct,  131-2 

break  with  R.,  135-7 

arrested  by  R.,  138-9 

arrested  for  debt,  143 

at  Montreal,  145 

at  London,  149 

imprisoned  for  debt,  153 

character,  1 1 1  et  seq. 
Rogers,  Elizabeth, 

marriage,  74 

loyalty  to  R.,  80 

goes  to  Mackinac,  iio 

sufferings  at  Mackinac,  125 

divorce,  172 

Rogers,  James  (father),  1 8,  23,  28,  33 
Rogers,  James  (brother),  50,  93 

in  Revolution,  168,  171 

assists  R.,  155 

Rogers,  Richard,  48,  50,  56 
Rogers,  Robert, 

birth,  17 

boyhood  and  home,  20,  25 

first  military  service,  30 

home  destroyed,  31 

returns  to  Lovell's  Farm,  32 

at  Merrimac,  34 

frontier  travels,  35 

accused  of  counterfeiting,  40 

commissioned  by  Wentworth,  42 

appointed  captain,  43 

builds  Fort  Wentworth,  44 

ranger,  45 

at  Ticonderoga,  46,  48,  56-65 

captain  of  independent  rangcn,  47 

at  Crown  Point,  48,  56-65 

appointed  major,  51 

St.  Francis  expedition,  66 

on  St.  Lawrence,  69 

meets  Pontiac,  70,  84 

surrender  of  French  posti,  70 

sues  for  back  pay,  72 

at  Portsmouth,  73,  79,  158 


260 


PONTEACH :   OR  THE  SAVAGES  OF  AMERICA 


Rogers,  Robert,  {continued} 
marriage,  75 
Cherokee  expedition,  77 
at  Carolinas,  78 
financial  troubles,  79—80 
refused  land  at  Lake  George,  80 
rebellion  of  Pontiac,  81 
captain  of  New  York  company,  82 
at  Detroit,  86,  90 
engages  in  Indian  trade,  91,  92 
loses  commission,  92 
in  London,  94  et  seq. 
Northwest  passage  scheme,  102,120 
commander  at  Mackinac,  103  et  seq. 
Oswego  conference,  1 1 1 
first  quarrel  with  Roberts,  1 1 3 
disobeys  Johnson,  117 
misconduct  at  Mackinac,  \z^etseq. 
seeks  governorship,  127 
break  with  Roberts,  1 3  5 
suspected  of  treason,  I  36 
impeached,  137 
arrested  tor  treason,  140 
trial,  142 

second  visit  to  England,  146  et  seq. 
imprisoned  for  debt,  153 
African  service,  I  56 
in  Revolution,  159  et  seq. 
arrested  as  spy,   163-4. 
service  with  Howe,  165 
defeat  at  Mamaroneck,  166 
misconduct  at  Quebec,  169 
flees  to  England,  171 


death,  172 

character,  104-5 

criticism  of  works,  97  et  seq. 

leadership,  52 

married  life,  92 

patriotism,  83 
Rogers'  Rangers, 

at  Ticondcroga,  55 

at  Fort  Edward,  56,  64 

on  Lake  Champlain,  60 

attacked  by  Marin,  64 

at  Crown  Point,  66 

characteristics,  51 
Rumford,  23,  27,  28,  92 
St.  d'Estresse,  69 
St.  Johns,  69 
St.  Lawrence,  69 
Salida,  Valley  of,  77 
Seven  Years  War,  39 
Shirley,  Governor,  40,  42-3,  47 
Spiessmacher,  Captain,  115,  134,  144 
Stark,  John,  51,  53-4,  159 
Ticonderoga, 

R.  at,  46,  48,  56-65 

Abercrombie  defeated  at,  61 

capture,  65 

Treason,  R.  accused  of,  136,140,142 
Venanzo,  83 
Washington,  George,  37,  39 

on  R.,  162 

Wentworth,  Governor •,  35,  39,  42,  44 
Wattockquitchey,  69 
White  Plains,  Battle  of,  167 


261 


THE  MARION  PRESS 
JAMAICA    QUEENSBOROUGH    NEW  YORK 


RETURN     CIRCULATION  DEPARTMENT 
TO—*      202  Main  Library 

LOAN  PERIOD  1 
HOME  USE 

r2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

ALL  BOOKS  MAY  BE  RECALLED  AFTER  7  DAYS 

1  -month  loans  may  be  renewed  by  calling  642-3405 

6-month  loans  may  be  recharged  by  bringing  books  to  Circulation  Desk 

Renewals  and  recharges  may  be  made  4  days  prior  to  due  date 

DUE  AS  STAMPED  BELOW 


PEC  CIRC  FEB26 

986 

•986 

WO.  DISC. 

JUN   2  1986 

JUl  0  2  1992 

EB.CH     MAY  3  0  1986 

C/RCUUTION 

AUG  271988 

.Jt»**lBl 

fjtf*1** 

GCCfRC  Au325'93 
JUN  1?  1 

JQC 

AUTO.  DISC, 

?--:  -  '  •  '  :    '      '    ) 

j*j\j 

MAY  18  1992 

CIRCULATlor 

UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA,  BERKELEY 

FORM  NO.  DD6,  60m,  3/80  BERKELEY,  CA  94720 

®$ 


H 


